ken hanly | 1 Jan 2011 08:16
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Re: Korean developments

   I understood that the maritime border was drawn not by the U.S. but the UN 
Command although no doubt with some helpful U.S. encouragement.

Happy NEw Year...ken

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Military_Demarcation_Line

----- Original Message ----
From: Marty Hart-Landsberg <marty@...>
To: pen-l@...
Sent: Fri, December 31, 2010 3:43:13 PM
Subject: [Pen-l] Korean developments

Those interested in recent developments on the Korean peninsula might 
find the following useful,
Marty

http://media.lclark.edu/content/hart-landsberg/2010/12/31/whats-happening-on-the-korean-peninsula/

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(Continue reading)

Marty Hart-Landsberg | 1 Jan 2011 17:53

Re: Korean developments

Actually the U.S. was the UN command.  When the UN voted to intervene in 
the Korean War it was after the U.S. had already decided to act.  
Therefore the UN ended up voting to pledge its member country support 
(including troops) to the US effort.  As a consequence the UN lost all 
independent control over the conduct of the war.  In other words, there 
was no independent UN command.

Truman appointed who he wanted to run the war and the U.S. pursued its 
own strategy under the flag of the UN.  The UN itself had no control 
over US decisions.  It was a US operation dressed up as a UN operation.

Marty

On 12/31/2010 11:16 PM, ken hanly wrote:
>     I understood that the maritime border was drawn not by the U.S. but the UN
> Command although no doubt with some helpful U.S. encouragement.
>
> Happy NEw Year...ken
>
> http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Military_Demarcation_Line
>
>
>
>
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(Continue reading)

Gar Lipow | 1 Jan 2011 22:17
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French Resistance hero calls for public to get angry, son of "Catherine" ("Jules and Jim")

http://www.france24.com/en/20101230-behind-unlikely-bestseller-fierce-political-conscience-hessel-indignez-vous-books

"Behind an unlikely bestseller, a fierce political conscience"

>Stéphane Hessel’s wildly popular new book “Indignez-vous !” is a rallying cry for French masses
to combat social, political, and economic injustices. France24.com takes a look at the man behind this
unlikely bestseller.

>There’s a new book topping the bestseller list in France, and it’s not a Swedish thriller, a vampire
novel, the tale of a teenage wizard, or even the latest from much-hyped French Goncourt prize winner
Michel Houellebecq.

>Rather, the current toast of the literary world is Stéphane Hessel, a 93-year-old former resistance
member and diplomat, whose 13-page political essay called “Indignez-vous !” (or “Get
indignant!”) has sold a whopping 600,000 copies since it hit shelves last October.

>The book, which was released by Indigène -- a tiny publishing house based in the south of France -- and is on
sale for an uncommonly cheap 3 euros, is a call for the French population to get angry about the injustices
of modern society. Amid widespread disillusionment with the policies of centre-right French President
Nicolas Sarkozy, the text could become a rallying cry for the French left as it braces itself to challenge
the incumbent in the 2012 presidential election. Hessel, for his part, is a vocal supporter of Socialist
Party head Martine Aubry.

OK Question for those who know France: Is she Mitterand with tits, or
something a bit better than that?

<snip>
>Hessel was born in Berlin in 1917 to a Jewish family that converted partly to Protestantism. His parents,
painter Helen and writer Franz, were said to be inspirations for two of the three lead characters in
“Jules et Jim”, an autobiographical novel about a love triangle written by their friend
(Continue reading)

mckenna193 | 2 Jan 2011 17:39
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Good Giroux radio interview on Zombie Politics

The Progressive Radio News Hour - 12/25/10
December 29, 2010
Gary Null
Download this episode (right click and save)
Henry Giroux holds the Global TV Network Chair Professorship at McMaster University, Hamilton, Ontario, Canada. His books include "The University in Chains," "Against the Terror of Neoliberalism," "Youth in a Suspect Society," and his newest titled, "Zombie Politics and Culture in the Age of Casino Capitalism."
His newest book will be discussed at a time America's aristocracy is more than ever empowered.
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Leonardo Kosloff | 2 Jan 2011 18:31
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Knowing capital today, Using Capital critically

Hi, I rarely post on this list but I wanted to let you know about a book I’m (very slowly) translating by Juan Iñigo Carrera. Juan worked as a public accountant for many years, and teaches in the University of Buenos Aires.

Below is the first part of the Preface (which I have yet to finish).

Perhaps you’ve heard of Guido Starosta who is one of the editors of Historical Materialism (the journal), who closely works with Juan. I think the book is a great -with no authoritarian underpinnings- pedagogical tool. I’d be very interested in hearing your thoughts about it, and I’d appreciate in particular any corrections in grammar or diction. It’s very hard to sum up Juan’s work in a few lines but I added some comments below.

Lastly, it'd be great if you could share this as well, I know about the list OPE-L but I don't have reach to it. Thanks.


The aim of the book, as I see it, is to delve into the question of what the role of Capital (which Marx intended to be “the first scientific victory of the working class”) is as a tool to produce a scientific consciousness wherein lies the revolutionary subjectivity of the working class.


For now, only the first three chapters are finished. Here you will find a very direct argument which exposes the ideological character of the empty abstractions of neoclassical economics and classical political economy, among others; some of which have been and are still being adopted uncritically by many Marxists, no less than to dogmatically dismiss the real determinations of the value-form of the material product of labor. More generally, it is a very straightforward yet lucid illustration of how economic theory has to eliminate any trace of human consciousness as grounded in its social being, and this in order to impose the ideological inversion of an abstract consciousness with no other determinations than the naturalized whims of a free will, which lacking an objective knowledge of the conditions from which its freedom arises is condemned to remain an illusory chimera.

Personally, what I found most valuable is that Juan does not lecture the reader on Capital, or the various interpretations of it. As Juan explains further in the book, the point is not to take any of Marx’s assertions as postulates or assumptions, not to interpret Marx, but rather to *use* Capital as a tool to develop one’s own critical appropriation of their general social relation, capital. The fact is that one needs to know what capital is, a necessity which capital begets by itself, and this is the starting point of the investigation, as was also the starting point when Marx set out his investigation of the commodity in the outlines of the Paris Manuscripts of 1844. In this sense, Juan’s book is not a reading of Capital, but his own critical investigation in order to account for this necessity, which, of course, uses Capital to help his and hopefully one’s own investigation.

Capital is thus a key political tool in the development of the organization of the working class, for only an action which can account for its own necessity can be a truly scientific basis upon which individuals may build a society of freely, that is, consciously, associated producers.

With no further ado, here is the link to the webpage where you can download the chapters in .pdf format:

http://www.cicpint.org/CICP%20English/Libros/Conocer/conocer.html

You can also find other essays in English in the website, for example, this is Juan’s take on what happened during the political crisis in Argentina in 2001 which appeared in the journal Historical Materialism:

http://www.cicpint.org/CICP%20English/Investigaci%C3%B3n/JIC/Argentina/Argentina.html

Any corrections or suggestions to my English will be appreciated.


--------------------------------------------------

Preface

The question

To read Capital? The mere question evokes difficulty, complexity, contradiction. Was there not someone who began writing a book “to read Capital”, boasting that he had not read it wholly, and closed the vicious circle writing the prologue for an edition of Capital where he imperatively recommended to begin by skipping the whole first section of the work?

Proposals of abridged readings rain down on us before the complexity of the question. There is the author who proposes that we “read Capital politically”. The one who considers his reading a “philosopher’s reading”.  The one who proposes to leave out anything that does not concern “ethical foundations”. Of course, there is no scarcity of authors who read it as a text of “political economy”. There is even the author who proposes to read it with the indiscreetness implied by not having a concrete question other than “seeing what is in there”. But, are not politics, economics, ethics, philosophy, all of them social forms, social relations, which unity cannot be split without mutilating the content of each one of them?

Is it then a question of interpreting the text in its unity? Will the solution perhaps be to face the reading with the intention of interpreting the world by interpreting Marx? This does not seem to be a clear way out of the problem. In the first place, there are those who threaten us with inevitably falling into “the most vulgar interpretation of the theory of value, which directly contradicts Marx’s theory” if we literally abide by the text written by him. But, above all, how do we overlook the absolute contradiction set out by Marx between interpreting the world and changing it?

If we refuse to interpret the text, how are we to confront it? Will we attain an objective perspective of it if we follow the recognized precept of looking in it for its “Logic (in capitals)”? But then, what will we do with Marx’s explicit rejection to operate through the development of logical contradictions, since logic is “alienated thinking, and therefore thinking which abstracts from nature and from real man”?

Would it not be better to listen to those who say that it is not very useful to read it because it is “a model” which corresponds to nineteenth century England but that it is not “applicable” to, for example, modern Argentina? Further, does not the scientific community consider démodé and obsolete any text after a handful of years of its publication against the speed with which reality changes?

But then what? Are we to leave out the text and begin an independent development from zero on our own? We would hardly progress beyond re-discovering gunpowder this way. Although, it would doubtless be worse to follow those who propose that we read Capital in order to “believe with Marx” in the existence of this or that social relation.

To come out of all these convolutions we do not have at this stage any recourse other than going back to the beginning. And what if stop looking at Capital as an object for us to read and rather establish our necessity to read it, up to this moment simply present from the beginning as an immediate condition, as the object which Capital is to account for? But, in that case, it would not be a question of reading it anymore but of using it to answer for our own necessity. Thus, our starting point cannot be other than confronting the determinations that our necessity to use Capital immediately presents us with in the process of producing our own consciousness. And in this way the first question which is at stake is the very form of our process of production of knowledge. It is there then, where we will begin.

Cognition and Recognition…

This is the second part which I should finish in a few days. Here Juan deals with the form of the process of knowledge mentioned above and talks about what the role of the dialectical method in Marx is in it. There is also an essay by Guido Starosta -who works closely with Juan- published by the journal Science and Society, ‘The Commodity-Form and the Dialectical Method’, which also deals with this question particularly regarding Marx’s presentation in the beginning of Capital.

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Julio Huato | 2 Jan 2011 18:44
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Austerity

My latest blog post:

http://juliohuato.wordpress.com/2011/01/02/austerity/

I don't have a chance now to revive it for serious, but I couldn't
resist this for the time being.
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Sandwichman | 2 Jan 2011 19:44
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Re: Austerity

Julio,

Your first link goes to the wikipedia entry on the military budget instead of the NY Times article.

On Sun, Jan 2, 2011 at 9:44 AM, Julio Huato <juliohuato-Re5JQEeQqe8AvxtiuMwx3w@public.gmane.org> wrote:
My latest blog post:

http://juliohuato.wordpress.com/2011/01/02/austerity/

I don't have a chance now to revive it for serious, but I couldn't
resist this for the time being.
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ken hanly | 3 Jan 2011 00:08
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Re: Korean developments


   Thanks for the clarification. I gather than other countries were permitted to 
donate canon fodder and money to the cause under the UN banner. So talk of the 
UN command disguises the actual situation.

   Cheers, ken

----- Original Message ----
From: Marty Hart-Landsberg <marty@...>
To: Progressive Economics <pen-l@...>
Sent: Sat, January 1, 2011 10:53:33 AM
Subject: Re: [Pen-l] Korean developments

Actually the U.S. was the UN command.  When the UN voted to intervene in 
the Korean War it was after the U.S. had already decided to act.  
Therefore the UN ended up voting to pledge its member country support 
(including troops) to the US effort.  As a consequence the UN lost all 
independent control over the conduct of the war.  In other words, there 
was no independent UN command.

Truman appointed who he wanted to run the war and the U.S. pursued its 
own strategy under the flag of the UN.  The UN itself had no control 
over US decisions.  It was a US operation dressed up as a UN operation.

Marty

On 12/31/2010 11:16 PM, ken hanly wrote:
>     I understood that the maritime border was drawn not by the U.S. but the UN
> Command although no doubt with some helpful U.S. encouragement.
>
> Happy NEw Year...ken
>
> http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Military_Demarcation_Line
>
>
>
>
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Jim Devine | 3 Jan 2011 03:19
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Re: Big surprise: the rich lack empathy

>According to a paper by three psychological researchers ... members of the upper class are less adept at
reading emotions.<

why? the authors conclude that:
> Earlier studies have suggested that those in the lower classes, unable to simply hire others, rely more on
neighbors or relatives for things like a ride to work or child care. As a result, the authors  propose, they
have to develop more effective social skills — ones that will engender good will.<

That's likely very true, but it's also true that insensitive jerks are
more likely to be rewarded by our capitalist socioeconomic system and
thus rise to the top. Further, the children of the rich go to special
schools (Prep schools, Yale, etc.) that train them to believe that (1)
they are better than the _hoi polloi_ and don't need to empathize with
them and (2) that fellow members of the ruling classes are competitors
to be one-upped. They then spend a lot of time in country clubs and
corporate board rooms that perpetuate these attitudes.

 Louis Proyect wrote:
> NY Times December 30, 2010
> As for Empathy, the Haves Have Not
> By PAMELA PAUL
>
> THE GIST The rich don’t get how the other half lives.
>
> THE SOURCE “Social Class, Contextualism, and Empathic Accuracy,” by
> Michael W. Kraus, Stéphane Côté and Dacher Keltner, Psychological Science.

--

-- 
Jim Devine / "The conventional view serves to protect us from the
painful job of thinking."   - John Kenneth Galbraith
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Jim Devine | 3 Jan 2011 03:27
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Fwd: Moneybox: Depression Economics

[Of course, following Robert Lucas _et al_, "economists know" that
people _choose_ to be unemployed, so that the 1930s should be renamed
the Great Vacation and the current era the Great Recess.]

SLATE /  Thursday, Dec. 30, 2010, at 3:31 PM ET

Depression Economics

What happens to people when their unemployment insurance runs out and
they still can't find a job?

By Annie Lowrey

What happens after unemployment insurance runs out? If 2008 was the
year of the financial crisis, and 2009 the year of the recession, then
2010 was the year of unemployment. The good news is that things are
starting to look up, if modestly. The number of workers making initial
unemployment claims—a good indicator of where the unemployment rate is
heading—fell to its lowest level since July 2008 this week. Employers
have started filling more available positions. And economists expect
December's unemployment rate, to be released next week, to be lower
than last month's.

But none of this changes the fact that, by most yardsticks, 2010 was
the worst year for jobs since the Great Depression. The year's average
unemployment rate will clock in at about 9.7 percent—higher than last
year's 9.3 percent and tied for the highest annual rate since the
government started keeping official counts in 1948. For all of 2010,
in any given month, about 15 million Americans—the population of New
England—were looking for work. And, really, in any given month,
moreneeded work. Underemployment—that's the "official unemployed,"
plus people in part-time or temporary positions looking for full-time
work, plus people discouraged from the labor market and no longer
looking—totaled as many as 25 million.

And the recession has not meant just more joblessness. It has also
meant longer joblessness. The average length of a spell of
unemployment now sits at 30 weeks, after hitting a high of 35 weeks in
July. About 6.3 million people, 42 percent of all unemployed
Americans, have been out of work for more than six months. And more
than 1 million have exhausted their unemployment benefits. They're
called 99ers. (The term, coined this year, refers to the maximum weeks
of benefits in the states with the highest unemployment rates.) There
are about 1.6 million of them, according to the Department of Labor.
And they raise the question: What happens when unemployment insurance
ends?

There is no reliable way to measure what happens to 99ers, whether
they find work, return to school, remain unemployed, or move on to
programs such as disability and welfare. (The Department of Labor does
not follow the same individuals longitudinally.) But economists know
with a reasonable amount of certainty that their unemployment does not
end when their unemployment insurance does.

The Department of Labor has shared data with the New York Timesshowing
that the shorter the duration of unemployment, the more likely a
person is to get a new job. People who have been out of work for five
weeks have a monthly re-employment rate of about 31 percent. People
who have been out of work for a year have a monthly re-employment rate
of 8.7 percent. Presumably, people who have been out of work for more
than 99 weeks have a re-employment rate somewhat lower than that.

In some states, there are special programs to help keep the 99ers
afloat. But for the most part, they are on their own. Government
assistance becomes thinner, more brief, and more patchwork—food
stamps, assistance with heating costs, welfare for parents with
children, temporary aid. For many people receiving unemployment
insurance, it is the only thing keeping them above the poverty line.
The Economic Policy Institute calculates that unemployment insurance
kept 3.3 million people out of poverty in 2009.

Consider the case of 44-year-old Boston native Rochelle Sevier. After
eight years with Fidelity Investments, mostly as a marketing
executive, she was laid off in October 2008. Given her bachelor's and
master's degrees, longtime work experience, and connections in Boston,
she did not anticipate being unemployed for long. But since then, she
has had only a few temporary positions, including an $8-an-hour gig
selling sweaters for the holidays last year. In September, her
unemployment insurance ran out.

"Literally, from October of 2008 until the fall of 2009, I got no
bites at all," Sevier explains. "I started off applying for good jobs,
but then just started applying for anything—part time, temporary. I
applied for jobs in my field, jobs that were reaches, all the way down
to jobs I never in my life thought I would have to work."

At first, Sevier fell victim to her experience: She was overqualified
for the jobs she was applying for. "I started applying for
minimum-wage jobs, but they said they wouldn't hire me, because when
the economy gets better, I'd leave them." Then, she fell victim to her
own joblessness: Employers just don't like to hire people who have
been out of work for long, she says. "I need a job now, and I just
think that these companies have to stop prejudging us [99ers]. If
anything, they should be hiring us because we have experience—I mean,
I've got a master's—and we'll work harder." So Sevier, like millions
of others, has applied for the aid she can get: food stamps ("I'm so
embarrassed. I never thought I'd have to do that") and heating-fuel
assistance ("It's cold").

Unemployment, she and others explain, eventually becomes more than a
financial issue. The spell of joblessness has strained her marriage.
It forced her to declare bankruptcy, to clear credit-card debt she
felt she would never be able to pay back. She managed to keep her
house after a loan modification, but otherwise might have faced moving
back in with her family.

Like so many other 99ers, Sevier's joblessness has taken a toll on her
health. "I'm going through a really deep depression," she admits. She
wakes up often with panic attacks and has lost weight, "but I'm under
the care of a doctor, at least." Sevier's situation is not unusual:
Unemployment tends to be bad for people, because of increased stress
andreduced consumption of vegetables. And economists have found not
only that unemployment tends to increase the rate of suicide, but that
the loss of unemployment insurance actually has a stronger impact on
an individual's likelihood of committing suicide than the loss of a
job does.

And the depressing truth is, though 2011 should be a better year for
jobs generally, there seems to be little help on the horizon for the
long-term unemployed. That is not necessarily due to a lack of
possible solutions. The federal government could create broad
retraining programs or even guaranteed work schemes, as a few European
nations have. But congressional will is weak, and such programs are
expensive. Though 2010 was the year joblessness was the highest, 2011
may prove to be the year that joblessness became intractable—with a
large pool of unemployed, and sometimes unemployable, workers
remaining just outside the otherwise sunnier labor market.
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