presidential electoral campaign of Barack Obama in 2008, it was
thought, “changed the political debate in a party and a country that
desperately needed to take a new direction.”
Like most preceding presidential winners dating back at least to John
F. Kennedy, what moved voters of all descriptions to back Obama was the
hope he offered of significant change. Yet within a year Obama has
taken decisive steps, not just to continue America’s engagement in Bush’s Afghan War, but significantly to enlarge it into Pakistan. If this was change of a sort, it was a change that few voters desired.
Those of us convinced that a war machine prevails in Washington
were not surprised. The situation was similar to the disappointment
experienced with Jimmy Carter: Carter was elected in 1976 with a
promise to cut the defense budget. Instead, he initiated both an
expansion of the defense budget and also an expansion of U.S. influence into the Indian Ocean.
As I wrote in The Road to 9/11, after Carter’s election
It appeared on the surface that with the blessing of David Rockefeller’s Trilateral Commission, the traditional U.S.
search for unilateral domination would be abandoned. But…the 1970s were
a period in which a major “intellectual counterrevolution” was
mustered, to mobilize conservative opinion with the aid of vast amounts
of money…. By the time SALT II was signed in 1979, Carter had consented
to significant new weapons programs and arms budget increases
(reversing his campaign pledge).
noted further that the complex strategy for reversing Carter’s promises
was revived for a new mobilization in the 1990s during the Clinton presidency, in which a commission headed by Donald Rumsfeld was prominent.
The Vietnam War as a Template for Afghanistan
It is as if Washington had emerged with only one objective from America’s failure in Vietnam: the urge to do it again and get it right. But the principal obstacle to victory in Afghanistan is the same as in Vietnam:
the lack of a viable government to defend. The importance of this
similarity has been stressed by Thomas H. Johnson, coordinator of
anthropological research studies at the NavalPostgraduateSchool, and his co-author Chris Mason. In their memorable phrase, “the Vietnam War is less a metaphor for the conflict in Afghanistan than it is a template:”
It is an oft-cited maxim that in all the conflicts of the past century, the United States has refought its last war. A number of analysts and journalists have mentioned the war in Vietnam recently in connection with Afghanistan.1
Perhaps fearful of taking this analogy too far, most have backed away
from it. They should not—the Vietnam War is less a metaphor for the
conflict in Afghanistan than it is a template. For eight years, the United States
has engaged in an almost exact political and military reenactment of
the Vietnam War, and the lack of self-awareness of the repetition of
events 50 years ago is deeply disturbing.
of the common features of an unpopular corrupted government have been
well summarized by Johnson and Mason. In their words, quoting Jeffrey
“the fundamental political obstacle to an enduring American success in Vietnam
[was] a politically illegitimate, militarily feckless, and thoroughly
corrupted South Vietnamese client regime.” Substitute the word “Afghanistan” for the words “South Vietnam” in these quotations and the descriptions apply precisely to today’s government in Kabul. Like Afghanistan, South Vietnam
at the national level was a massively corrupt collection of
self-interested warlords, many of them deeply implicated in the
profitable opium trade, with almost nonexistent legitimacy outside the
capital city. The purely military gains achieved at such terrible cost
in our nation’s blood and treasure in Vietnam never came close to
exhausting the enemy’s manpower pool or his will to fight, and simply
could not be sustained politically by a venal and incompetent set of
dysfunctional state institutions where self-interest was the order of
If Johnson had written a little later, he might have added that a major CIA asset in Afghanistan
was Ahmed Wali Karzai, brother of President Hamid Karzai; and that
Ahmed Wali Karzai was a major drug trafficker who used his private
force to help arrange a flagrantly falsified election result. This is a fairly exact description of Ngo dinh Nhu in Vietnam,
President Ngo dinh Diem’s brother, an organizer of the Vietnamese drug
traffic whose dreaded Can Lao secret police helped, among other things,
to organize a falsified election result there.
This pattern of a corrupt near relative, often involved in drugs, is a recurring feature of regimes installed or supported by U.S.
influence. There were similar allegations about Chiang Kai-shek’s
brother-in-law T.V. Soong, Mexican President Echevarría’s
brother-in-law Rubén Zuno Arce, and the Shah of Iran’s sister. In the
case of Ngo dinh Nhu, it was the absence of a popular base for his
externally installed presidential brother that led to drug involvement,
“to provide the necessary funding” for political repression. This analogy to the Karzais is pertinent.
An additional similarity, not noted by Johnson, is that America initially engaged in Vietnam in support of an embattled and unpopular minority, the Roman Catholics who had thrived under the French. America has twice made the same mistake in Afghanistan.
Initially, after the Russian invasion of 1980, the bulk of American aid
went to Gulbeddin Hekmatyar, a leader both insignificant in and
unpopular with the mujahedin resistance; the CIA is said to have
supported Hekmatyar, who became a drug trafficker to compensate for his
lack of a popular base, because he was the preferred client of
Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), which distributed
American and Saudi aid.
re-engaged in 2001, it was to support the Northern Alliance, a
drug-trafficking Tajik-Uzbek minority coalition hateful to the Pashtun
majority south of the Hindu Kush. Just as America’s initial commitment to the Catholic Diem family fatally alienated the Vietnamese countryside, so the American presence in Afghanistan is weakened by its initial dependence on the Tajiks of the minority Northern Alliance. (The Roman Catholic minority in Vietnam
at least shared a language with the Buddhists in the countryside. The
Tajiks speak Dari, a version of Persian unintelligible to the Pashtun
According to an important article by Gareth Porter,
Contrary to the official portrayal of the Afghan National Army (ANA) as ethnically balanced, the latest data from U.S.
sources reveal that the Tajik minority now accounts for far more of its
troops than the Pashtuns, the country's largest ethnic group.….
Tajik domination of the ANA feeds Pashtun resentment over the control
of the country's security institutions by their ethnic rivals, while
Tajiks increasingly regard the Pashtun population as aligned with the
leadership of the army has been primarily Tajik since the ANA was
organised in 2002, and Tajiks have been overrepresented in the officer
corps from the beginning. But the original troop composition of the ANA
was relatively well-balanced ethnically. The latest report of the
Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction, issued Oct.
30, shows that Tajiks, which represent 25 percent of the population,
now account for 41 percent of all ANA troops who have been trained, and
that only 30 percent of the ANA trainees are now Pashtuns. A
key reason for the predominance of Tajik troops is that the ANA began
to have serious problems recruiting troops in the rural areas of Kandahar and Helmand provinces by mid-2007.
This problem derives from a major strategic error committed by the U.S. first in Vietnam
and now repeated: the effort to impose central state authority on a
country that had always been socially and culturally diverse. Johnson and Mason illustrate Diem’s lack of legitimacy with a quote from Eric Bergerud:
The Government of Vietnam (GVN) lacked legitimacy with the rural peasantry, the largest
segment of the population...The peasantry perceived the GVN to be
aloof, corrupt, and inefficient...South Vietnam’s urban elite possessed
the outward manifestations of a foreign culture...more importantly,
this small group held most of the wealth and power in a poor nation,
and the attitude of the ruling elite toward the rural population was,
at best, paternalistic and, at worst, predatory.
According to Thomas Johnson, the first eight years of the U.S. in Afghanistan have also seen the Army repeating the strategy of targeting the enemy that failed in Vietnam:
2002, the prosecution of the war in Afghanistan—at all levels—has been
based on an implied strategy of attrition via clearing operations
virtually identical to those pursued in Vietnam. In Vietnam, they were
dubbed “search and destroy missions;” in Afghanistan they are called
“clearing operations” and “compound searches,” but the purpose is the
same—to find easily replaced weapons or clear a tiny, arbitrarily
chosen patch of worthless ground for a short period, and then turn it
over to indigenous security forces who can’t hold it, and then go do it
again somewhere else…. General McChrystal is the first American
commander since the war began to understand that protecting the people,
not chasing illiterate teenage boys with guns around the countryside,
is the basic principle of counterinsurgency. Yet four months into his
command, little seems to have changed, except for an eight-year overdue
order to stop answering the enemy’s prayers by blowing up compounds
with air strikes to martyr more of the teenage boys
Johnson and Mason’s depiction of the Vietnam template underlying Afghanistan is important. But there is a glaring omission in their description of power in the Afghan countryside:
it is in equilibrium, rural Afghan society is a triangle of power
formed by the tribal elders, the mullahs, and the government…. In times
of peace and stability, the longest side of the triangle is that of the
tribal elders, constituted through the jirga system. The next longest,
but much shorter side is that of the mullahs. Traditionally and
historically, the government side is a microscopic short segment.
However, after 30 years of blowback from the Islamization of the
Pashtun begun by General Zia in Pakistan
and accelerated by the Soviet-Afghan War, the religious side of the
triangle has become the longest side of jihad has grown stronger and
remains true, but is dated by its omission of drug-trafficking, and the
militias supported by drug-trafficking, which since 1980 have become a
more and more important element in the power-balance. Sometimes the
drug-traffic adds to the power of tribal elders like Jalaluddin Haqqani
or Haji Bashir Noorzai, with tribal drug networks often passed from
father to son. But today one of the most important power-holders is the
drug-trafficker Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, a Ghilzai Pashtun from the north
without a significant tribal base. Hekmatyar is much like General Dan
Van Quang during the Vietnam War, in that his power continues to depend
in part on his sophisticated heroin trafficking network in Afghanistan’s Kunar and Nuristan provinces.
more we recognize that today drugs are a major factor in both the
economy and the power structure of Afghanistan, the more we must
recognize that an even better template for the Afghan war is not the
Vietnam war, where drugs were important but not central, but the CIA’s
drug-funded undeclared war in Laos, 1959-75.
Afghanistan and the Laos Template
I have quoted at great length from Johnson’s pessimistic essay in Military Review,
partly because I believe it deserves to be read by a non-military
audience, but also because I believe that his excellent analogies to Vietnam are even more pertinent if we recall the CIA’s hopeless fiasco in Laos.
for all its problems with Catholic and Montagnard minorities, was
essentially a state with a single language and a single, French-imposed
system of law. Laos,
in contrast, was little more than an arbitrary collection of about 100
tribes with different languages, in which the dominant Tai-speaking Lao
Loum tribes compromised, in the 1960s, little more than half of the
total population. Faced with an intractable mountainous terrain, the
French wisely devoted little energy to establishing a central power in Laos, which then had one capital for the north and another for the south. Like Afghanistan and in contrast to Nepal, Laos remained and remains one of the world’s last countries without a railroad.
To supplement their own minimal presence in Laos,
the French relied on two minorities with two completely different
non-Tai languages, the Vietnamese and the Méo or Hmong. The protracted
French war in Indochina produced two combating armies in Laos, the pro-French Royal Laotian Army, in uneasy alliance with Hmong guerrillas, and the pro-Vietnamese Pathet Lao.
when it became nominally independent in 1954, was a quasi-state with
two armies, a collection of tribes with different languages and
customs, and tribe-dividing borders defined arbitrarily to suit western
convenience. All this might have remained relatively stable, had not
Americans arrived with naïve notions of “nation-building.” Misguided
efforts to establish a strong central government rapidly produced two
dominating consequences: massive corruption (even worse than Vietnam’s), and civil war.
It would appear that the CIA in Laos, reflecting the opposition of the Dulles brothers to any form of neutralism, intended
to divide the country and make it an anti-Communist battlefield, rather
than let it slumber quietly under the guidance of its first post-French
prime minister, the neutralist Souvanna Phouma (nephew of the king). A CIA officer told Time magazine in 1961 that the CIA’s aim “was to ‘polarize’ the communist and anti-communist factions in Laos.”
If this was truly the aim, the CIA succeeded, creating a conflict in
which the U.S. dropped more than two million tons of bombs on one part
of Laos, more than in both Europe and the Pacific during World War Two.
Despite this absurd and criminal U.S. over-commitment, the end result was to turn Laos,
a profoundly Buddhist nation with an anti-Vietnamese bias, into what is
nominally one of the last remaining Communist countries in the world.
And our principal ally, a Hmong faction allied earlier with the French,
suffered devastating, almost genocidal casualties. (The London Guardian
charged in 1971 that Hmong villages who “try to find their own way out
of the war – even if it is simply by staying neutral and refusing to
send their 13-year-olds to fight in the CIA army – are immediately
denied American rice and transport, and ultimately bombed by the U.S.
No one has ever claimed that in Laos, as opposed to Vietnam, “the system worked,” or that the U.S. might have prevailed had it not been for faulty decision-making at the civilian level. From a humanitarian standpoint, America’s campaign in Laos,
was from the outset a disaster if not indeed a major war crime. Only
one faction profited from that war, international drug traffickers –
whether Corsican, Nationalist Chinese, or American.
the beginning of CIA support for him in 1959, the CIA’s client Phoumi
Nosavan, for the first time, directly involved his army in the opium
traffic, “as an alternative source of income for his [Laotian] army and
government…. This decision ultimately led to the growth of northwest Laos as one of the largest heroin-producing centers in the world” in the late 1960s.
(The CIA not only supported General Ouan Rattikone (Phoumi’s successor)
and his drug-funded army, it even supplied airplanes to senior Laotian
generals which soon “ran opium for them” without interference.) Conversely, when the US withdrew from Laos in the 1970s, opium production plummeted, from an estimated 200 tons in 1975 to 30 tons in 1984.
America’s Addiction to Drug-Assisted War: Afghanistan the 1980s
It is hard to demonstrate the CIA, when unilaterally initiating a military conflict in Laos
in 1959, foresaw the resulting huge increase in Laotian opium
production. But two decades later this experience did not deter
Brzezinski, Carter’s national security adviser, from unilaterally
initiating contact with drug-trafficking Afghans in 1978 and 1979.
It is clear that this time the Carter White House foresaw the drug consequences. In 1980 White House drug advisor David Musto told the White House Strategy Council on Drug Abuse that “we were going into Afghanistan to support the opium growers…. Shouldn’t we try to avoid what we had done in Laos?” Denied access by the CIA to data to which he was legally entitled, Musto took his concerns public in May 1980, noting in a New York Times
Op Ed that Golden Crescent heroin was already (and for the first time)
causing a medical crisis in New York. And he warned, presciently, that
“this crisis is bound to worsen.”
The CIA, in conjunction with
its creation the Iranian intelligence agency SAVAK, was initially
trying to move to the right the regime of Afghan president Mohammed
Daoud Khan, whose objectionable policy (like that of Souvanna Phouma
before him) was to maintain good relations with both the Soviet Union
and the west. In 1978 SAVAK- and CIA-supported Islamist agents soon
arrived from Iran
“with bulging bankrolls,” trying to mobilize a purge of left-wing
officers in the army and a clamp-down on their party the PDPA. The
result of this provocative polarization was the same as in Laos: a confrontation in which the left, and not the right, soon prevailed.
In a coup that was at least partly defensive, left-wing officers
overthrew and killed Daoud; they installed in his place a left-wing
regime so extreme and unpopular that by 1980 the USSR (as Brzezinski had predicted) intervened to install a more moderate faction.
By May 1979 the CIA was in touch with Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, the mujahedin warlord with perhaps the smallest following inside Afghanistan, and also the leading mujahedin drug-trafficker.
Hekmatyar, famous for throwing acid in the faces of women not wearing
burkas, was not the choice of the Afghan resistance, but of the
Pakistani intelligence service (ISI), perhaps because he was the only
Afghan leader willing to accept the British-drawn Durand Line as the
Afghan-Pakistan boundary. As an Afghan leader in 1994 told Tim Weiner
of the New York Times:
“We didn't choose these leaders. The United States made Hekmatyar by giving him his weapons. Now we want the United States to shake these leaders and make them stop the killing, to save us from them.”
Robert D. Kaplan reported his
personal experience that Hekmatyar was “loathed by all the other party
leaders, fundamentalist and moderate alike.”
This decision by ISI and CIA belies the usual American rhetoric that the US was assisting an Afghan liberation movement. In the next decade of anti-Soviet resistance, more than half of America’s aid went to Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, who soon became “one of Afghanistan’s leading drug lords.” Brzezinski was also soon in contact with Pakistan’s emissary Fazle ul-Haq, a man who by 1982 would be listed by Interpol as an international narcotics trafficker.
The consequences were swiftly felt in America, where heroin from the Golden Crescent, negligible before 1979, amounted in 1980 to 60 percent of the U.S. market.
And by 1986, for the first time, the region supplied 70 percent of the
high-grade heroin in the world, and supplied a new army of 650,000
addicts in Pakistan
itself. Witnesses confirmed that the drug was shipped out of the area
on the same Pakistan Army trucks which shipped in "covert" US military aid. Yet before 1986 the only high-level heroin bust in Pakistan
was made at the insistence of a single Norwegian prosecutor; none were
instigated by the seventeen narcotics officers in the U.S. Embassy. Eight tons of Afghan-Pakistani morphine base from a single Pakistani source supplied the Sicilian mafia "Pizza Connection" in New York, said by the FBI supervisor on the case to have been responsible for 80% of the heroin reaching the United States between 1978 and 1984.
Meanwhile, CIA Director William Casey
appears to have promoted a plan suggested to him in 1980 by the former
French intelligence chief Alexandre de Marenches, that the CIA supply
drugs on the sly to Soviet troops.
Although de Marenches subsequently denied that the plan, Operation
Mosquito, went forward, there are reports that heroin, hashish, and
even cocaine from Latin America soon reached Soviet troops; and that
along with the CIA-ISI-linked bank BCCI, "a few American intelligence
operatives were deeply enmeshed in the drug trade" before the war was
Maureen Orth heard from Mathea Falco, head of International Narcotics
Control for the State Department under Jimmy Carter, that the CIA and
ISI together encouraged the mujahedin to addict the Soviet troops.
America’s Return in 2001, Again With the Support of Drug-Traffickers
social costs of this drug-assisted war are still with us: there are
said, for example, to be now five million heroin addicts in Pakistan alone. And yet America
in 2001 decided to do it again: to try, with the assistance of drug
traffickers, to impose nation-building on a quasi-state with at least a
dozen major ethnic groups speaking unrelated languages. In a close
analogy to the use of the Hmong in Laos, America initiated its Afghan campaign in 2001 in concert with a distinct minority, the Tajik-dominated Northern Alliance.
In a closer analogy still, the CIA in 2000 (in the last weeks of
Clinton’s presidency) chose as its principal ally Ahmad Shah Massoud of
the Northern Alliance, despite the objection of other national security
advisers that “Massoud was a drug trafficker; if the CIA established a
permanent base [with him] in the Panjshir, it risked entanglement with
the heroin trade.”
There was no ambiguity about the U.S. intention to use drug traffickers to initiate its ground position in Afghanistan. The
CIA mounted its coalition against the Taliban in 2001 by recruiting and
even importing drug traffickers, usually old assets from the 1980s. An
example was Haji Zaman who had retired to Dijon in France, whom “British and American officials…met with and persuaded … to return to Afghanistan.”
In Afghanistan in 2001 as in 1980, and as in Laos in 1959, the U.S.
intervention has since been a bonanza for the international drug
syndicates. With the increase of chaos in the countryside, and number
of aircraft flying in and out of the country, opium production more
than doubled, from 3276 metric tonnes in 2000 (and 185 in 2001, the
year of a Taliban ban on opium) to 8,200 metric tonnes in 2007.
Why does the U.S.
intervene repeatedly on the same side as the most powerful local drug
traffickers? Some years ago I summarized the conventional wisdom on
Partly this has been from realpolitik
- in recognition of the local power realities represented by the drug
traffic. Partly it has been from the need to escape domestic political
restraints: the traffickers have supplied additional financial
resources needed because of US budgetary limitations, and they have
also provided assets not bound (as the U.S.
is) by the rules of war. … These facts…have led to enduring
intelligence networks involving both oil and drugs, or more
specifically both petrodollars and narcodollars. These networks,
particularly in the Middle East, have become so important that they
affect, not just the conduct of US foreign policy, but the health and behavior of the US government, US banks and corporations, and indeed the whole of US society.
in part by the analysis of authors like Michel Chossudovsky and James
Petras, I would now stress more heavily that American banks, as well as
oil majors, benefit significantly from drug trafficking. A Senate staff
report has estimated “that $500 billion to $1 trillion in criminal
proceeds are laundered through banks worldwide each year, with about
half of that amount moved through United States banks.”
The London Independent reported in 2004 that drug trafficking
constitutes "the third biggest global commodity in cash terms after oil
and the arms trade."
Petras concludes that the U.S. economy has become a narco-capitalist one, dependent on the hot or dirty money, much of it from the drug traffic.
Senator Levin summarizes the record: "Estimates are that $500 billion
to $1 trillion of international criminal proceeds are moved
internationally and deposited into bank accounts annually. It is
estimated half of that money comes to the United States"….
Washington and the mass media have portrayed the U.S.
in the forefront of the struggle against narco trafficking, drug
laundering and political corruption: the image is of clean white hands
fighting dirty money from the Third world (or the ex-Communist
countries). The truth is exactly the opposite. U.S. banks have developed a highly elaborate set of policies for transferring illicit funds to the U.S., investing those funds in legitimate businesses or U.S.
government bonds and legitimating them. The U.S. Congress has held
numerous hearings, provided detailed exposés of the illicit practices
of the banks, passed several laws and called for stiffer enforcement by
any number of public regulators and private bankers. Yet the biggest
banks continue their practices, the sums of dirty money grows
exponentially, because both the State and the banks have neither the
will nor the interest to put an end to the practices that provide high
profits and buttress an otherwise fragile empire.
In the wake of the 2008 economic crisis, this analysis found support from the claim of Antonio
Maria Costa, head of the UN Office on Drugs and Crime, that “Drugs
money worth billions of dollars kept the financial system afloat at the
height of the global crisis.” According to the LondonObserver, Costa
he has seen evidence that the proceeds of organised crime were "the
only liquid investment capital" available to some banks on the brink of
collapse last year. He said that a majority of the $352bn (£216bn) of
drugs profits was absorbed into the economic system as a result…. Costa
said evidence that illegal money was being absorbed into the financial
system was first drawn to his attention by intelligence agencies and
prosecutors around 18 months ago. "In many instances, the money from
drugs was the only liquid investment capital. In the second half of
2008, liquidity was the banking system's main problem and hence liquid
capital became an important factor," he said.
Why This Drug-Corrupted War Will Continue
the war machine that co-opted Obama into his incipient escalations of
an unwinnable war is not just a bureaucratic cabal inside Washington. It is solidly grounded in and supported by a wide coalition of forces in our society. For
this reason the war machine will not be dissuaded by sensible advice
from within the establishment, such as the recommendation for Afghan
counterterrorism from the RAND Corporation:
Minimize the use of U.S.
military force. In most operations against al Qa'ida, local military
forces frequently have more legitimacy to operate and a better
understanding of the operating environment than U.S. forces have. This means a light U.S. military footprint or none at all.
It will not be dissuaded by the conclusion of a recent study for the Carnegie Endowment that "the presence of foreign troops is the most important element driving the resurgence of the Taliban." To
justify its global strategic posture of what it calls “full-spectrum
dominance,” the Pentagon badly needs the “war against terror” in Afghanistan, just as a decade ago it needed the counter-productive “war against drugs” in Colombia.
dominance is of course not just an end in itself, it is also lobbied
for by far-flung American corporations overseas, especially oil
companies like Exxon Mobil with huge investments in Kazakhstan and elsewhere in Central Asia. As Michael Klare noted in his book Resource Wars, a secondary objective of the U.S. campaign in Afghanistan was "to consolidate U.S. power in the Persian Gulf and Caspian Sea area, and to ensure continued flow of oil."
The global drug traffic itself will continue to benefit from the protracted conflict generated by “full-spectrum dominance” in Afghanistan,
and some of the beneficiaries may have been secretly lobbying for it.
And I fear that all the client intelligence assets organized about the
movement of Afghan heroin through Central Asia and beyond will, without a clear change in policy, continue as before to be protected by the CIA. And America’s
superbanks like Citibank – the banks allegedly “too big to fail” – are
now since the downturn even more dependant than before on the hundreds
of billions of illicit profits which they launder each year.
In both Afghanistan and Laos (as opposed to Vietnam)
heroin has been by far the principal export, and so important that
simply to curtail the production of opium has risked impoverishing
those in the areas where opium was grown. This was the reason given for
not disrupting heroin flows in the severe winter of 2001-02, the first
year of the American invasion of Afghanistan. The economy was so devastated that, without income from opium, large numbers of Afghans might have starved.
According to Australian journalist Michael Ware, Time Magazine’s correspondent in Kandahar,
opium is still the main support of the Afghan economy, as well the main
support for both the Karzai government and the Taliban opposition:
take away the opium and you suck the oxygen out of this economy and
you’ll be treading on the toes of significant players who have built
empires around the opium trade, and that includes political and
military figures as well as criminal and business figures here in
A consistent bias of U.S. news reporting on opium and heroin in Afghanistan has been to blame the Taliban for their production, and not also the government. For example, the New York Times reported on November 27, 2008 that
has produced so much opium in recent years that the Taliban are cutting
poppy cultivation and stockpiling raw opium in an effort to support
prices and preserve a major source of financing for the insurgency,
Antonio Maria Costa, the executive director of the United Nations drug
office [UNODC], says.”
But as Jeremy Hammond responds,
commentary attached to the UNODC report, Mr. Costa asks, “Who collects
this money? Local strong men. In other words, by year end, war-lords,
drug-lords and insurgents will have extracted almost half a billion
dollars of tax revenue from drug farming, production and
trafficking.” Notably, Mr. Costa does not answer his question with “the
Taliban”, but includes a much broader range of participants who profit
from the trade that includes, but is in no way limited to, the Taliban.
Citing the statistics in the UNODC’s annual reports, Hammond
estimates that the reported Taliban revenues from opium ($75-100
million) are only about 3 percent of the total earned income in Afghanistan
($3.4 billion), which in turn is only about five percent of the UNODC
estimate of what that crop is worth in the world market ($64 billion).
It is because of the larger share of drug profits going to supporters of the Kabul government that U.S. strategies to attack the Afghan drug trade are explicitly limited to attacking drug traffickers supporting the Taliban.
Such strategies have the indirect effect of increasing the opium market
share of the past and present CIA assets in the Karzai regime (headed
by Hamid Karzai, a former CIA asset), such as the president’s brother Ahmed Wali Karzai, an active CIA asset, and Abdul Rashid Dostum, a former CIA asset.
As I have observed elsewhere about the U.S. campaign against the FARC and cocaine in Colombia, the aim of all U.S.
anti drug campaigns abroad has never been the hopeless ideal of
eradication. The aim of all such campaigns has been to alter market
share: to target specific enemies and thus ensure that the drug traffic
remains under the control of those traffickers who are allies of the
state security apparatus and/or the CIA. This was notably true of Laos
in the 1960s, when the CIA intervened militarily with air support to
assist Ouan Rattikone’s army, in a battle over a contested opium
caravan in Laos.
Consequences for America of a Drug-Corrupted War
But this toleration of the traffic has led to another similarity with Vietnam and Laos in the 1960s: the increasing addiction of GIs to heroin, Afghanistan’s principal export. Despite the denial one has come to expect from high places, it is (according to Salon’s Shaun McCanna).
not difficult to find a soldier who has returned from Afghanistan
with an addiction. Nearly every veteran of Operation Enduring Freedom I
have spoken with was familiar with heroin's availability on base, and
most knew at least one soldier who used while deployed.
And the reported easy availability of heroin outside Afghanistan’s Bagram air base, like that four decades ago outside Vietnam’s
American base at Long Binh, points to another alarming similarity. Just
as at the height of the Vietnam war, heroin was shipped to the United
States in body bags containing cadavers, so now we hear from Heneral Mahmut Gareev, a former Soviet commander in Afghanistan that
Americans themselves admit that drugs are often transported out of Afghanistan on American planes. Drug trafficking in Afghanistan
brings them about 50 billion dollars a year – which fully covers the
expenses tied to keeping their troops there. Essentially, they are not
going to interfere and stop the production of drugs.
charge has been repeated in one form or another by a number of other
sources, including Pakistani General Hamid Gul, a former ISI commander:
“Abdul Wali Karzai is the biggest drug baron of Afghanistan,” he stated bluntly. He added that the drug lords are also involved in arms trafficking, which is “a flourishing trade” in Afghanistan.
“But what is most disturbing from my point of view is that the military
aircraft, American military aircraft are also being used. You said very
rightly that the drug routes are northward through the Central Asia
republics and through some of the Russian territory, and then into Europe
and beyond. But some of it is going directly. That is by the military
aircraft. I have so many times in my interviews said, ‘Please listen to
this information, because I am an aware person.’ We have Afghans still
and they sometimes contact and pass on the stories to me. And some of
them are very authentic. I can judge that. So they are saying that the
American military aircraft are being used for this purpose. So, if that
is true, it is very, very disturbing indeed.”
Another slightly different testimony is from General Khodaidad Khodaidad, the current Afghan minister of counter narcotics:
The Afghan minister of counter narcotics says foreign troops are earning money from drug production in Afghanistan. General Khodaidad Khodaidad said the majority of drugs are stockpiled in two provinces controlled by troops from the US, the UK, and Canada,
IRNA reported on Saturday. He went on to say that NATO forces are
taxing the production of opium in the regions under their control.
do not accept these charges as proven, despite the number of additional
sources for them. None of the sources quoted here can be considered an
objective source with no axe to grind, and worse charges still are easy
to find in wilds of the Internet.
However the charges are plausible, because of history. Just as in Vietnam and Laos, the United States made its initial alliances in Afghanistan
with drug traffickers, both in 1980 and again in 2001; and this is a
major factor explaining the endemic corruption of the U.S.-sponsored
Karzai regime today. There should be an official Congressional
investigation whether the United States did not intend for its Afghan
assets, just as earlier in Burma, Laos, and Thailand, to supplement
their CIA subsidies with income from drug trafficking.
short, the impasse the U.S. faces in Afghanistan, in its efforts to
support an unpopular and corrupt regime, must be understood in the
light of its past relations to the drug traffic there – a situation
which resembles the past U.S. involvement in Laos even more than in
Vietnam. It is this sustained pattern of intervention in support of
drug economies, and with the support of drug traffickers, that so
depresses observers who had hoped desperately that, in this respect,
Obama would bring a change.
question remains: how many Americans, Afghans, and Pakistanis will have
to die, before we can put an end to this drug-corrupted and
Peter Dale Scott, a former Canadian diplomat and English Professor at the University of California, Berkeley, is a poet, writer, and researcher. He was born in Montreal in 1929, the only son of the poet F.R. Scott and the painter Marian Scott.
His prose books include The War Conspiracy (1972), The Assassinations:
Dallas and Beyond (in collaboration, 1976), Crime and Cover-Up: The
CIA, the Mafia, and the Dallas-Watergate Connection (1977), The
Iran-Contra Connection (in collaboration, 1987), Cocaine Politics:
Drugs, Armies, and the CIA in Central America (in collaboration, 1991,
1998), Deep Politics and the Death of JFK (1993, 1996), Deep Politics Two (1994, 1995, 2006), Drugs Oil and War (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, March 2003), The Road to 9/11 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), and The War Conspiracy: JFK, 9/11, and the Deep Politics of War (Ipswich, MA: Mary Ferrell Foundation Press, 2008).
 John Nichols, “Obama's Campaign Merits a Peace Prize,” Nation (blogs), October 10, 2009, http://www.thenation.com/blogs/thebeat/482916/obama_s_campaign_merits_a_peace_prize.
 Peter Dale Scott, The Road to 9/11: Wealth, Empire, and the Future of America (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2007), 65-69.
 Scott, The Road to 9/11, 66-67.
 Scott, Road to 9/11, 67-68, referring to the Rumsfeld Commission to Assess the Ballistic Missile Threat to the United States.
 Thomas H. Johnson and M. Chris Mason, “Refighting the Last War: Afghanistan and the Vietnam Template,” Military Review, November-December 2009, 1.
 Johnson and Mason, “Refighting the Last War,”, 5, citing Jeffrey
Record, “How America’s Own Military Performance in Vietnam Aided and
Abetted the “North’s” Victory, in Marc Jason Gilbert, ed. Why the North Won the Vietnam War (New York: Palgrave, 2002), 119.
 New York Times, October 28, 2009.
 Stanley Karnow, Vietnam: A History (New York: Penguin, 1997), 239; A.J. Langguth, Our Vietnam (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2000), 99; Alfred W. McCoy, The Politics of Heroin (Chicago: Lawrence Hill Books/ Chicago Review Press, 2003), 203 (drugs).
 McCoy, The Politics of Heroin, 203.
 Gareth Porter, “Tajik Grip on Afghan Army Signals New Ethnic War,” IPS News, November 28, 2009, http://www.ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=49461.
 Spencer Tucker, Vietnam (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 1999), 87.
 Eric Bergerud, The Dynamics Of Defeat: The Vietnam War In Hau Nghia Province (Boulder, Co: Westview Press, 1991) 3; quoted in Johnson and Mason, “Afghanistan and the Vietnam Template,” 5.
 Thomas H. Johnson, “Ismail Khan, Heart, and Iranian Influence,” Strategic Insights, July 2004, http://www.ccc.nps.navy.mil/si/2004/jul/johnsonJul04.asp.
 Johnson and Mason, “Refighting the Last War,” 7-8.
 Gretchen Peters, Seeds of Terror: How Heroin Is Bankrolling the Taliban and Al Qaeda (New York: Thomas Dunne Books/St. Martin’s Press, 2009), 127-29.
 The southern provinces were administered directly by a résident supérieur in Vientiane, who also supervised , but indirectly, the quasi-independent northern Kingdom of Louangphrabang.
 Corruption within the U.S. Aid program (or boondoggle) in Laos, centered about bribes paid by CIA contractor Willis Bird, produced a Congressional investigation. See Scott, Drugs, Oil and War, 196, Martin E. Goldstein, American Policy Toward Laos, 186-87; U.S. Congress, House U.S. Aid Operations in Laos, House Report no. 546, 86th Cong., 1st Sess. (Washington: GPO, 1959).
 Time, March 17, 1961; discussion in Scott, War Conspiracy, 78.
 Keith Quincy, Hmong: history of a people Cheney, WA: Eastern Washington University, 1995), 163. To this day the CIA’s fact sheet on Cambodia lists, as the chief environmental problem in Laos, “unexploded ordnance” (all of it American); see CIA, The World
 Guardian (London), October 14, 1971. Cf. McCoy, Politics of Heroin, 320-21.
 Cf. Leslie H. Gelb and Richard K. Betts, The Irony of Vietnam: The System Worked (Washington: Brookings Institution Press, 1979).
 Mark Moyar, Triumph Forsaken: The Vietnam War, 1954-1965 (New York: CambridgeUniversity Press, 2006).
 McCoy, Politics of Heroin, 300.
 John Prados, Lost Crusader: the Secret Wars of CIA Director William Colby (New York: Oxford UP: 2003), 168.
 Scott, Drugs, Oil, and War, 40.
 McCoy, Politics of Heroin, 461; citing interview with Dr. David Musto.
 David Musto, New York Times, May 22, 1980; quoted in McCoy, Politics of Heroin, 462.
 Douglas Little, American Orientalism: The United States and the Middle East since 1945 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2002), 223; Diego Cordovez and Selig S. Harrison, Out of Afghanistan: the Inside Story of the Soviet Withdrawal (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 16-17, 23-28.
 Scott, Road to 9/11, 77-79; Little, American Orientalism, 150.
 Scott, Drugs, Oil, and War, 46, 49; McCoy, Politics of Heroin, 475-78.
 New York Times, 3/13/94.
 Robert D. Kaplan, Soldiers of God: With Islamic Warriors in Afghanistan and Pakistan (New York: Random House, 1990), 68-69.
Brzezinski for example writes that “I pushed a decision through the SCC
to be more sympathetic to those Afghans who were determined to preserve
their country’s independence” (Brzezinski, Power and Principle, 427). On the same page he writes that “I also consulted with the Saudis and the Egyptians regarding the fighting in Afghanistan.” He is silent about the early, decisive, and ill-fated contact with Pakistan.
 Scott, Road to 9/11, 73-75, citing Christina Lamb, Waiting for Allah: Pakistan’s Struggle for Democracy (London: H. Hamilton, 1991), 222; cf. McCoy, Politics of Heroin, 479. Fazle ul-Haq was the governor of Pakistan’s North-West Frontier Province;
at the same time he was also an important CIA contact and supporter of
the Afghan mujahideen, some of whom -- it was no secret -- were
supporting themselves by major opium and heroin trafficking through the
NWFP. However, after lengthy correspondence with Fazle ul-Haq’s son, I
am persuaded that there are no known grounds to accuse Fazle ul-Haq of having profited personally from the drug traffic. See “Clarification from Peter Dale Scott re. Fazle Haq,” 911Truth.org, http://www.911truth.org/article.php?story=20090223165146219.
 Scott, Road to 9/11, 73-75; citing McCoy, Politics of Heroin, 475 (leading drug lords), 464 (60 percent).
 McCoy, Politics of Heroin, 461-64, 474-80; Lawrence Lifshultz, “Inside the Kingdom of Heroin,” Nation, November 14, 1988: Peters, Seeds of Terror, 37-39.
 Ralph Blumenthal, Last Days of the Sicilians (New York: Pocket Books, 1988), 119, 314.
 Cooley, Unholy Wars, 128-29; Beaty and Gwynne, Outlaw Bank, 305-06.
 Beaty and Gwynne, 306; cf. 82; also Allix, La petite cuillère, 35, 95; Peters, Seeds of Terror, 45-46.
 Maureen Orth, Vanity Fair,
March 2002, 170-71. A Tajik sociologist added that she knew “drugs were
massively distributed at that time,” and that she often heard how
Russian soldiers were “invited to taste.”
 Steve Coll, Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from the Soviet Invasion to September 10, 2001 (New York: Penguin Press, 2004), 536.
 Philip Smucker, Al Qaeda’s Great Escape: The Military and the Media on Terror’s Trail (Washington: Brassey’s, 2004), 9. On December 4, 2001, Asia Times
reported that a convicted Pakistani drug baron and former
parliamentarian, Ayub Afridi, was also released from prison to
participate in the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan (http://www.atimes.com/ind-pak/CL04Df01.html); Scott, Road to 9/11, 125.
 Peter Dale Scott, "Afghanistan, Colombia, Vietnam: The Deep Politics of Drugs and Oil,"
Congress, Senate, Minority staff report for Permanent Subcommittee on
Investigations Hearing on Private Banking and Money Laundering: a Case
Study of Opportunities and Vulnerabilities (November 9, 1999), http://hsgac.senate.gov/110999_report.htm.
These figures are both much used and much disputed, along with their
relevance. But even if the real figures are only half those estimated
by the Senate report, dirty money would appear to be a structural part
of the U.S. economy. Those who deny this remind me of the economists who, as late as the 1950s, argued that U.S.
foreign trade (then listed at about 2 percent of GNP) was too small to
be a significant element in the U.S. GNP. No one would make that
 Independent (London), February 29, 2004. Cf. Michel Chossudovsky, “The Spoils of War: Afghanistan's Multibillion Dollar Heroin Trade,” GlobalResearch, May 5, 2005, http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=viewArticle&code=CHO20050614&articleId=91.
 James Petras, “`Dirty Money’ Foundation of U.S. Growth and Empire,” from La Jornada, May 19, 2001, Narco News 2001, http://www.narconews.com/petras1.html.
 Rajeev Syal, “Drug money saved banks in global crisis, claims UN advisor,” Observer, December 13, 2009, http://www.guardian.co.uk/global/2009/dec/13/drug-money-banks-saved-un-cfief-claims.
 RAND Corporation, “How Terrorist Groups End: Implications for Countering al Qa'ida,” Research Brief, RB-9351-RC (2008), http://www.rand.org/pubs/research_briefs/RB9351/index1.html.
Gilles Dorronsoro, “Focus and Exit: an Alternative Strategy for the
Afghan War,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, January 2009, http://carnegieendowment.org/files/afghan_war-strategy.pdf.
 Michael T. Klare. Resource Wars: The New Landscape of Global Conflict (Henry Holt, New York 2001; quoted in David Michael Smith, “The U.S. War in Afghanistan,” The Canadian, April 19, 2006, http://www.agoracosmopolitan.com/home/Frontpage/2006/04/19/01181.html, emphasis added. Cf. Scott, Road to 9/11, 169-70.
Congress, Senate, Minority staff report for Permanent Subcommittee on
Investigations Hearing on Private Banking and Money Laundering: a Case
Study of Opportunities and Vulnerabilities (November 9, 1999), http://hsgac.senate.gov/110999_report.htm.
 “Afghanistan - America's Blind Eye,” ABC/TV (Australia), April 10, 2002, Reporter: Mark Corcoran, http://www.mickware.info/2002/files/2b3c5632e1c8fa1ad68b6f83ae91a8c3-93.php.
 Kirk Kraeutler, “U.N. Reports That Taliban Is Stockpiling Opium,” New York Times, November 27, 2008.
 Jeremy R. Hammond, “New York Times Misleads on Taliban Role in Opium Trade,” Foreign Policy Journal, November 29, 2008, http://www.foreignpolicyjournal.com/2008/11/29/new-york-times-misleads-on-taliban-role-in-opium-trade/.
 Personal communication of December 29, 2009, citing UNODC Reports of 2008 and 2009.
 James Risen, U.S. to Hunt Down Afghan Lords Tied to Taliban, New York Times,
August 10, 2009: ”United States military commanders have told Congress
that…only those [drug traffickers] providing support to the insurgency
would be made targets.”
 Nick Mills, Karzai: the failing American intervention and the struggle for Afghanistan (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley, 2007), 79.
 New York Times, October 27, 2009.
 Valentine, Strength of the Pack, 333.
 Shaun McCanna, “It’s Easy for Soldiers to Score Heroin in Afghanistan,”Salon, August 1, 2007, http://www.salon.com/news/feature/2007/08/07/afghan_heroin/. Cf. Megan Carpentier, “Is The Military Ignoring The Heroin Problem In The Ranks?”, AirAmerica.com, October 20, 2009, http://airamerica.com/politics/10-20-2009/military-ignoring-its-heroin-problem/?p=all; Gerald Posner, “The Taliban’s Heroin Ploy,” The Daily Beast, October 19, 2009, http://www.thedailybeast.com/blogs-and-stories/2009-10-19/the-heroin-bomb/full/.
 Douglas Valentine, The Strength of the Pack: The People, Politics and Espionage Intrigues that Shaped the DEA (Springfield, OR: TrineDay, 2009), 171; cf. 103.
 Gen. Mahmut Gareev, ““Afghan drug trafficking brings US $50 billion a year,” RussiaToday. August 20, 2009, http://russiatoday.com/Top_News/2009-08-20/afghanistan-us-drug-trafficking.html.
 Jeremy R. Hammond, “Pakistan: General Hamid Gul on Destabilizing Pakistan,” Foreign Policy Journal, August 27, 2009, http://axisoflogic.com/artman/publish/Article_56790.shtml.
 “Occupiers involved in drug trade: Afghan minister,” IranPressTV, November 1, 2009,