THE ENCYCLOPAEDIA OF ISLAM
Prepared by a Number of Leading Orientalists
Edited by an Editorial Committee Consisting of
H.A.R. Gibb, J.H. Kramers, E. Lévi-Provençal, J. Schacht
Assisted by S.M. Stern as Secretary General (pp. 1-320)
B. Lewis, Ch. Pellat and J. Schacht
Assisted by C. Dumont and R.M. Savory as Editorial Secretaries
Under the Patronage of The International Union of Academies
ARNAWUTLUK, the Ottoman Turkish name for Albania.
Allegedly descended from Pelasgian, Albanian is an Indo-European language of satem type like Armenian, Indo-Iranian and Slavonic. No literary records occur before 1496 A.D., but ancient Illyrian and ancient Epirote, on the basis of personal and place names, are held to be the prototypes of Geg (northern) and Tosk (southern) Albanian respectively. Illyrian mantua, mantia, bramble, and grôssa, file, are Albanian mand, manzë and grresë respectively. Macedonian, Thracian and Dacian were languages of Albanian type.
Known as shqip in Albania, arbëresh in the Albanian colonies, the Albanian language is spoken by some 1,500,000 in Albania, 700,000 in the adjoining Kosovo-Metohija area of Yugoslavia, and some 40.000 in Epirus. An archaic form of the language survives on the Greek islands of Hydra and Spetsa, and in Sicily and
Calabria, brought there by Tosk exiled from the Turkish invasions. Impoverished by centuries of neglect, Albanian has a small native, but a large borrowed vocabulary. Thus the wheel, the cart and the plough are represented by borrowings and the usual Indo-European terms of kinship are absent. City life, road-building, horticulture, law, religion and family relationship are expressed by Latin loanwords, much disguised by phonological breakdown. Terms used in the Orthodox, ritual are Greek; names of prepared dishes, garments, parts of the house, and Islamic terms have come in via Turkish.
The composite alphabet is: a, b, c
(like ts), ç (like ch), d, dh (like th in this), e, ë (like French e in le), f, g, gj, (like Turkish g before e, i, ö), h, i, j (like y in yoke), k, l (as in French), ll (as in .English all), m, n, nj (as in cañon), o, p, q (like Turkish k before e, i, ö), r (weak), rr (strong trill),
s, sh (as in shop), t, th (as in thin), u, v, x (as in adze), xh (as in judge), y (German ü), z, zh (as in pleasure). The vowels â, ê, î are Geg nasals.
Geg is the dialect of Tiranë, the capital, and the North, including Kosovo-Metohija. Tosk has a considerable literature. Its main deviations are: replacement of the infinitive by subjunctive constructions, absence of nasal vowels, occasional conversion of n to r, and representation of ue, uem as ua, uar. There are small differences of vocabulary.
The noun has three genders and five cases. A noun is linked to a following genitive or adjective by an inflected particle, thus mali i veriut, the mountain of the north, mali i búkur the beautiful mountain, in which -i of mal-i is the detachable masc. definite article. Similarly molla, f. the apple, but mollë apple. The verb possesses an imperfect, aorist, subjunctive, optative, imperative, a mediopassive, and a compound mood called the admirative.
From the third century A.D. the Roman Church has maintained a bishopric at Scutari in. N. Albania. This became the first cultural centre; evidence of this is Bishop John Buzuks
Liturgy of 1555, and the 17th century religious works of Budi, Bardhi and Bogdani. Literary activity, tolerated by the Turks in the Catholic North, was suppressed in the Muslim centre and the Orthodox South, but took root among the exile colonies of Sicily and Calabria. .Matranga, descendant of the exiles, began a tradition of hymn-writing using folk-rhythms (1592), which was continued by Brancato (1675-1741) and the Calabrian Variboba (born 1725). The movement became secular with the folksongs and rhapsodies of De Rada (1813-1903) an ardent spokesman of Albanian liberation, and was continued well into the present century by Zef Schirò (1865-1927), Sicilian-born author of two allegorical epics and a collector of folksongs.
The work of De Rada was helpful in inspiring three Tosk patriots, the brothers Abdyl, Sami and Naim Frashëri, to form a league at Prizrend in 1878. Under the stimulus of the San Stefano settlement they sought Albanian autonomy and literary freedom. After several years of activity in Istanbul, where they were joined by the lexicographer and Bible
translator Kristoforidhi (1827-1895), they were forced into exile. At Bucharest Abdyl the politician, Sami the educationist, and Naim, the Bektashi lyricist of Albanian nostalgia, formed a literary society and printed Albanian books from 1885 onward. Thimi Mitko and Spiro Dine, exiles in Egypt, collected folksongs from the local colony. In Sofia Midhat Frashëri, son of Abdyl, published
an almanach, an anthology and a journal, and wrote didactic essays and short stories with a moral. .Books printed in exile were smuggled into Albania by caravan.
The absence of a literary centre, and the want of a standard alphabet, hampered the movement, and Samis difficult phonetic spelling was replaced by a digraphic one resembling that of A. Santori of Calabria and the linguist Dh. Camarda (1821-1882) of Sicily. After independence in November 1912 the various literary currents combined. A. Drenova (born 1872), the Tosk lyricist, Bubani, and L. Poradeci (born 1899) continued the Bucharest tradition, the last in an unorthodox style of his own; the Catholic North was represented by the nostalgic F. Shiroka (1847-1917), the
linguist and historian A. Xanoni (1863-1915), N. Mjeda (1866-1937), tbe satirist Gj. Fishta (1871-1940), the folk-poet and elegist V. Prennushi (1885-1946), and the short-story writer F. Koliqi (born 1903). Foqion Postoli, and M. Grameno (1872-1931), the Tosk novelists, Kristo Floqi (born 1873), the dramatist, and F. Konitza (1875-1943) transferred their activity to Boston, U.S.A., where a literary society Vatra, and a journal Dielli (The Sun) were founded in 1912.
The brief fascist regime (1939-1943) attracted a few writers with pro-Italian leanings; the present communist regime encourages writing on the partisan movement, the class struggle, work
themes and peace. Textbooks are based on Russian models. There are three active theatres and a writers union. This activity is paralleled in Kosovo-Metohija, where the communist themes are Titoist.
Albania (Shqipní, Shqipërí) lies on a N-S axis 20° E of Greenwich. With a total area of 11,097 square miles (28.748 sq. km.) it is bounded by Yugoslavia, Greece and the Adriatic. Lying between N Latitudes 39° 38 and 40° 41, its total length is 207 miles. It narrows to 50 miles at Peshkopí, and widens to 90 miles at the lake of Little Presba. Its ten prefectures formerly had 39 subprefectures, now redrawn and renamed as 34 districts. Continuing the limestone formation of the Dinaric Alps, the terrain is highest in the E, reaching some 7,000 feet in places. Of the western lowlands, some below sea-
[p. 651] level, the largest is the .fertile Myzeqeja plain. The longest river, the Drin, rises in Lake
Ohri (Ochrida), and flows N-W and S-W to the Adriatic below Shëngjin. The Mat, Ishém, Arzén, Semén-Devoll-Berat and the Vijosë flow in general N-W, but the Shkumbi, a torrent in winter, flows broadly E to W dividing the country into two roughly equal areas, Gegnija and Toskërija.
The mountain massif consists of three north-to-south barriers in Gegnija, and four N-W to S-E parallel ranges in Toskërija. The highest mountain is Tomorr near Berat (7,861 feet: 2396 metres). Denudation and deforestation have given the country a bare, rugged character. The lakes of Shkodër (Scutari), Ohri and Presba are only partly iu Albania; Tërbuf in the central plain is a marsh, and Malik, below Korçë, has bee
Durrës (Durazzo) is the main port, with wharves and a shipyard; Valona has a fine natural harbour, and handles refined oil and bitumen; Saranda is a fishing port, and Shëngjin handles ore. Chief towns are Tiranë, the capital (100,000), Shkodër (35,000), Korçë (25,000), Durrës (16,000), Vlorë or Valona (15,000) and Gjinokastër or Gjirokastër (12,000). Railways (80 miles) link Tiranë with Durrës, Peqin and Elbasan, but most towns are reached by road.
Climate ranges from European in the high country to sub-tropical in the S-W, and the vegetation is Mediterranean. Forests, mainly deciduous, include hornbeam, turkey oak, sumach, avellan oak, holm oak, jujube and celtis. The foothill scrub includes arbutus, bush heather, pomegranate and juniper. Densest forests are at Mamuras near Kruja.
Bibliography: M. Lambertz, Albanisches Lesebuch, Parts I and II (Albanian Grammar, Texts and Translation into German), Leipzig 1948; S.E. Mann, Albanian Literature, An Outline of Prose, Poetry and Drama, London 1955; idem, A Short Albanian Grammar, London 1932; idem, An
English-Albanian Dictionary, Cambridge 1957; S. Skendi, Albania (Statistical, Historical, Political, etc.), New York and London 1957.
According to the census of 1955 the population of Albania was 1,394,310 (in 1930 it was 1,003,097). Outside Albania there are Albanians in
Yugoslavia (750.000 according to the Yugoslav census in 1948), in Greece (estimated between 30-60,000) and m Italy (estimated
a: 150-250,000). The number of Albanians by birth all over the world is estimated at 3 millions, (see Albania, ed. S. Skendi, New York, 1956, 50). According to the 1930 census there were 45,000 Vlachs, 35,000 Slavs, 20,000 Turks and 15,000 Greeks m Albania. Approximately 20 percent of Albanias total population lived in towns in 1949-50. In the same year the larger towns were Tiranë, the capital, with an estimated population of 80,000 (in 1930, 30,806), Shkodër 34,000, Korçë 24,000, Durrës 16,000, Elbasan 15,000, Vlorë 15,000, Berat (12,000), Gjinokastër 12,000.
The Albanians are divided into two principal ethnic groups: The Gegs to the North of the Shkumbi River and the Tosks to the South. The Turks called these two regions Gegalik and
Toskalik. Not only in their dialects bul also in the outlook and social behaviour the Gegs differ from the Tosks. The Gegs are considered as keeping national characteristics purer than the Tosks.
Generally speaking the barren mountains of Albania provided too little for an increasing: population to subsist. Especially when an epidemic decimated livestock, the helpless people had no choise but to emigrate or to fall upon neighbouring plains. They usually went out as mercenaries, shepherds or agriculturists.
Toward the middle of the 14th century the Albanians, under the pressure of the Serbs or as mercenaries of feudal seigneurs in Greece, migrated and settled in Epirus, Thessaly, Morea and even in the Aegean Islands. There most of the Albanians were gradually graecised, or migrated to Southern Italy under the pressure of the Ottomans later on. But about 1466 in Thessaly there were still Albanian districts in the towns as well as 24 Albanian katunes in Livadia (Lebadea) and 34 in Istifa (see my Fâtih Devri, Ankara 1954, 146). Under the Ottomans these katunes had a special status and, later, are known as armatols.
When Iskender-beg died in 1468 a number of the Albanians involved in his struggle against the Ottomans either retired to the mountains or migrated to the kingdom of Naples. In 1478, 1481 and 1492 more
Albanians migrated to Southern Italy and Sicily where they preserved their language and customs down to the present day.
In the 15th century the Ottoman government transferred some Albanian tîmâr-holders (see tÎmÂr) of the feudal families (Mazeraki and Heykal) to Trebizond.
No large Turkish settlement is recorded m Albania except a small number of exiles from Konya, locally called Konici. There are also the Yürüks of Kodjadjik on
the mountains to the East of Dibra where they were stationed apparently to safeguard the Rumeli-Albania highway. The sürgüns (the deported), sent c. 1410 from such parts of Anatolia as Sarukhan, Kodja-ili, Djanik were also few in number (see Sûret-i Defter-i Sandjâk-i Arvanid, index).
The second significant expansion of Albanians in Rumeli occurred in the 17th and 18th centuries. They came to settle in the plains of Djakovë (Yakova), Prizren, Ipek (Pec), Kalkandelen (Tetovo) and Kossovo, especially after the mass migration of the Serbs from these areas in 1690. It seems that Albanian settlement was mostly the result of the land mukâtaa system (see my Tanzimat nedir?, in Tarih Aratirmalari, Ankara 1942) prevailing there in this period. Albanians came to lease small tracts of lands from big mukâtaa owners in these rich plains and settled there as tenants permanently.
As for the Vlachs in Albania, they had lived a pastoral life on the mountains of North Albania side by side with the Albanians since the Slavic invasion in the 7th century and they took part in the
Albanian expansion from the 11th century onwards. In the Ottoman Register of 835/1431 we find the Vlachs and their katunes (Eflak-katune) in Southern Albania especially in the region east to Kanina.
The Albanian tribes to the North of the Drin River are called by the general term of Malj-i-sor (highlanders). Toward 1881 there were 19 tribes belonging to
this group with a population of 35,000 Roman Catholics, 15,000 Muslims and 220 Greek Orthodox. The most famous tribes among them were Hotti, Klementi, Shkreli, Kastrati, Koçaj, Pulati, living on the mountains east of Scutari.
It seems that during the Ottoman conquest of Albania from 1385 to the end of the 15th century the rebellious clans had to retire once more to the most rugged parts of the highlands. Their reappearence in the lowlands coincided later with the weakening of Ottoman control in the provinces in the 17th century, and, later on, they became the terror of Rumeli.
[p. 652] From the beginning the Ottoman government had to respect the tribal organisation and autonomy of these tribes. As they had actual control of the important mountain passes from Rumeli into Albania the government charged them with the guardianship of these passes and in return for these services made
them exempt from taxation. A regulation dated 1496 (Babakanlik Archives, Istanbul, Tapu Def. no. 26) reads as follows: The nâhiye of Klemente (Klementi) consists of five villages. Their inhabitants of Christian faith pay one thousand akca of kharâdj and one thousand akca of ispendje to the Sandjakbegi and they are exempted from ushr and awârid-i dîwânî and other taxes, but they are made derbendji (guardians of the passes) on the route Scutari-Petrishbans territory-Altun-ili as well as the route Medun-Kuca-Plava. Later in the 17th century the Klementi caused troubles through their depredations in Rumeli and their co-operation with the rebellious tribes of Montenegro (Karadagh).
To the south of Drin lived the Mirditë tribe, 32,000 in number (in 1881) and all Roman Catholics. They were divided into five clans called bayraks, namely Oroshi, Fândi, Spashi, Kushneni, Dibri. Distinguished by their service to the Ottomans against the Venetians in 1696, the Hotti were promoted to the first place among the clans. Their bayrak headed all the others. But today the Shalë tribe is the chief.
In tribal tradition the origin of the bayraks goes back to the Ottomans. In fact it was an Ottoman institution to give a bayrak or a sandjak to military chiefs as a symbol of authority. Each clan was under a bayrakdâr i.e. standard-bearer, who was a hereditary chief. The public affairs of the clan were decided in the council of the hereditary elders. In order to discuss general affairs the five clans had their annual meeting at Orosh. A bölük-bashi, appointed by the Ottoman governor, arranged all kinds of affairs between the administration and the clans. The captains of the five clans of Mirditë claimed to descend from Lekë Dukagjin who played an oustanding role in Iskender-begs struggle against the Ottomans. Lekë Dukagjin is believed to have codified the customary law practiced among the tribes, which is called Kanuni i Lekë Dukagjinit (A.Sh.K. Gjecov, Kanuni i Lekë Dukagjinit, Shkodër 1933).
These tribes used to send to the Ottoman army an auxiliary force composed of one man per household, an Ottoman practice which was also applied to the Yürüks and the Kurds. When from the end of the 16th century onwards the empire came to need more troops for its lengthy wars the Albanian auxiliaries seemed to gain an increasing importance. They were used especially in the local wars against the Montenegrins. The Mirditë were regarded as the bravest soldiers in Rumeli. But at the same time H. Hequard (1855) calls them the greatest plunderers m the world In 1855 when the Tanzîmât administration attempted to disarm them
and enrol them in the regular army they rose up and infested the Zadrima (Zadrimë) area with the result that the next year the government gave up these attempts. Later the Mirditan chief Prenk Bib Doda played an important part in the Albanian independence movement (1908). The Republic of Mirdite, proclaimed under Yugoslav auspices in 1921, collapsed the next year.
According to the Italian statistics of 1942 (see, Albania, ed. S. Skendi, 58) out of a total population of 1,128,143, 779,417 were Muslims, 232,320 Orthodox and 116,259 Catholics. The only significant Catholic group is located in the Shkodër (Scutari) district while large Orthodox groups live in the districts of Gjinokastër (Argyrokastro), Korcë (Körice), Berat and
Vlorë (Avlona). Muslims are spread all over the country, but mostly in the Central Albania.
Albania which became attached to the Patriarchate of Constinople in 732 A.D., was split between Rome and Constantinople in 1054, the northern part coming under the jurisdiction of Rome. The Normans and the Angevins strengthened Catholicism in the country; Antivari was the seat of the Archbishop of Albania and Durazzo that of Macedonia.
Orthodox Albania was dependent directly on the Archbishopric of Ohrida. As the protectors of the Orthodox Church the Ottomans, even before their restoration of the Patriarchate of Constantinople in 1454, favoured Orthodoxy against Catholicism. However, for political reasons the Porte tolerated the Catholic church in Albania. The Albanian lords wavered between East and West according to the political conditions. The
Orthodox Albanian immigrants to southern Italy had their own Uniate church recognising the Popes supremacy. According to the Ottoman year-book of 1895 there were, in the province of Yanya (Epirus and Albania south of the Devoll River), 223,885 Muslims, 118,033 Greeks, 129,517 Orthodox Albanians, 3,517 Jews and only 93 Roman Catholics. It must be added that a part of these Greeks were in origin Orthodox Albanians graecised through the Greek religious and educational institutions which were zealously founded beginning with the second half of the 18th century. After the independence of Albania an autocephalous Orthodox church of Albania was finally recognised by the Patriarchate (1937). The first converts to Islam were the Albanian feudal lords holding tîmârs from the Ottomans. Contrary to what is generally held conversion was not required as a condition for keeping their lands as tîmârs; allegiance to the Ottoman state was sufficient in order to receive tîmârs. Throughout the 15th century Christians were granted tîmârs. By the end of the 15th century, however, only a few Christian tîmâr-holders were left because of voluntary conversions. Elbasan, built by
Mehemmed II in 870/1466, became a Muslim centre from the outset, as did Yenishehir in Thessaly. It appears, however, that Islam had then only a few converts among the common people raâyâ. At the beginning of the 16th century in four sandjaks of Albania (Elbasan, Ohri, Awlonya and Iskenderiye) there were about
three thousand Muslim raâyâ families. In Catholic sources written around 1622 it was estimated that only one thirtieth of the Albanian population was Muslim. During the 17th century the Venetians and Austrians attempted to foment an insurrection of the Catholic Albanians as well as the Orthodox Serbs who were feeling hostile to the government because of an increase in the djiizyc. In 1614 at a meeting of church dignitaries at Kuci it was decided to ask for aid from the Pope. Toward 1622 the first Franciscan missionaries appeared in Albania and Southern Serbia. Albanian Catholics and the Serbs co-operated with the Venetians in 1649 and with the Austrians, in 1689-1690 which made the Porte decide to have recourse to retaliatory measures. To escape these, the Christian populations in the plains of Pec, Prizren, Djakovë and Kossovo, who were partly Albanian, migrated in mass or adopted Islam; but many of them became
[p. 653] crypto Christians, locally called laramanë (motley). The albanisation and islamisation of these plains went hand in hand in the 17th and 18th centuries.
Conversion to Islam received a new impetus under the Bushatlis and Alî Pasha [q.v.] of Tepedelen. According to contemporary witnesses, the latter forced a number of villages to adopt Islam. He is believed to have been a Bektâshî himself and in his time Bektâshism (see BEKTÂSHIYYA) made its greatest progress in Albania. Under King Zog its adherents were estimated at
about 200,000. With its prosperous tekkes in Tiran, Akcahisar (the old centre of the Bektâshîs), Berat, and on the Tomor mountain, as well as its central organisation in the capital, Bektâshism assumed importance in Albania. During the Congress of Korcë in 1919 the Bektâshîs sought to establish a community of their own, separate from the
Sunnîs. This was to be accomplished only under the Communist regime in 1945.
Islam played an essential part in ottomanising the Albanians and the Christian Albanians often referred to their Muslim compatriots as Turks. On the other hand Islam prevented the Albanians from being assimilated by her Greek or Slavic neighbours. It is asserted that under the veneer of Christianity as well as Islam the primitive religious beliefs survived with the Albanians, especially in the highlands.
The Illyrian origin of the Albanian people is generally admitted, but their ethnic relationships to the Thracians, Epirots and the Pelasgians are still subject to argument. The Illyrian tribes first came into contact with Greek culture, through the Greek colonies founded on the Albanian coastland, in the 7th century B.C. The principal one was Epidamnos near Durazzo (Durrës). The lllyrians formed their first independent political organization in the third century B.C. Conquered by the Romans in 167 B.C., they were subject to strong Roman influence for centuries. The Roman highway to the Orient, Via Egnatia, started at Dyrrachium (Durrës) and followed the Shkumbi
valley. Ptolemy mentions, for the first time, the Albanoi among Illyrian tribes and their capital Albanópolis (near Croya). In the 7th century the invasion of Albania by the Slavs put an end to the romanisation of the Albanians who retired to the mountains in north Albania to live a pastoral life for half a millennium. In the 9th and 10th centuries the Bulgarian
empire extended its rule over southern Albania, including Dyrrachium (Greek Dyrrachion), and toward the end of the 12th century the Serbs under Nemanja occupied northern Albania. The long coexistence with the agriculturist Slavs left a deep cultural imprint on the Albanian people. Finally, .emperor Basil II restored Byzantine rule in southern
Albania, and conquered Dyrrachion (1005) which had been the capital of the Byzantine thema of Dyrrachion since the 9th century. When toward the middle of the 11th century the control of Byzantium was weakened in the provinces the Albanians came out from their mountain retreats. From this time on, the Albanians,
who were then, located between the lines of Skodra (Shkodër)-Dyrrachion and Ohrida-Prizren, are seen to be mentioned more by the contemporary sources, Albanoi or Arbanítai in Greek, Arbanenses or Albanenses in Latin and Arbanaci in Slavic sources. The Ottomans first used the Greek form Arvanid and then its turcisised version Arnavud and Arnawut.
Again from the 11th century on, Albania became bridge-head for feudal Europe to attack the Byzantine empire. Dyrrachion was temporarily taken by the Normans in 1081 and 1185, and by the Venetians in 1204. Then, it came into the possession of the Despot of Epirus, Theodore Angelus (1215-1230). In 1272 Charles of Anjou occupied Dyrrachion as well as the rest of the Albanian coastland, and called himself the King of Albania. Tins started a long struggle between the Byzantines and the Angevins in
Anatolian Turks, as a result of their alliance with the Byzantine emperor, first came to know Albania m 737/1337. During the Byzantine civil war the Albanian Highlanders had increased their depredations in Albania, taken Timoron (Timorindje), and threatened the other Byzantine strongholds, Kanina, Belgrade (Berat) Klisma and Skarapar. In order to establish his control in Albania as well as m Epirus, Andronicus III entered that province with an army which included a Turkish auxiliary force. It was sent by his ally Umur Beg, ruler of Aydin. The army overran the country as far as Durazzo (Dyrrachion). The rebels who retired into the mountains suffered great losses at the hands of the Turks. The Turks returned home through Thessaly and Boeotia (Cantacuzenus).
Before long Stephan Dushan occupied Albania (Croya in 1343, Central Albania 1343-1346). This seems to have accelerated the migration of Albanians into Greece. Native Albanian feudals and soldiers joined Dushan in his conquests further south (L. von Thallóczy-C. Jirecek, Zwei Urkunden aus Nordalbanien, Archiv für slavische Phil., xxi, 1899, 85). The voyniks whom we later find in Albania under the Ottomans settled there apparently with Dushan at this time. When in 1355 Dushans empire collapsed, local feudal lords, Slav, Albanian or Byzantine in origin, appeared in all parts of Albania. Soon the Balshas (Balshici), in the north and the Thopias in the centre emerged as the most powerful of these lords. The Balshas possessed the coastland between Durazzo and Cattaro, and tried to secure control of a large area as far Prizren. They came into conflict with
Twrtko, king of Bosnia, as well as with the Serbs who sought to bring this region, Zeta, again under their control. Soon the Balshas, who had already settled themselves in Avlona, Belgrade and Kanina, threatened Carlo Thopia in Durazzo. He asked for help from the Ottoman Turks in 787/1385, as their udj (frontier) units had appeared near Yannina
already in 783/1381. Balsha II was defeated and killed by an Ottoman army at Savra (on the Vijosë River in Myzeqe) on 12 Shaban 787/18 September 1385. This is recorded in Ottoman chronicles as the expedition to Karli-ili, that is the land of Karli (Carlo Thopia), and it is dated correctly as 787/1385. The Albanian lords, including Balshas heirs, recognised the Sultans overlordship. The Dukagjini of Alessio notified the Ragusans of their peace with the Ottomans in 789/1387. Alarmed by the Ottoman advance, Venice sent Daniel Cornaro to Murad I to protect Thopia (Ramadân
789/October 1387), but on the other hand started negotiations with Thopia to take over the city. Thus the long Venetian-Ottoman rivalry over Albania had begun. As a vassal of the Sultan, Gjergj Stratsimirovic, Balshas heir in Scutari (Shkodër) and Dulcigno, now wished to profit from the Ottomans in his conflict with the Bosnians. Kefalia Shâhîn (in Turkish chronicles Kavala Shahin, later Shihâb al-Dîn Shâhîn Pasha) an udj-begi and probably subashi of Liaskovik, embarked on a series of
successful raids into Bosnia; but he was finally defeated by Bosnians near Trebinje 23 Shabân 790/27 August 1388). According
[p. 654] to Neshrî, this expedition was made at the request of the Lord of Skutari (G. Stratsimirovic) who after Shâhîns defeat was accused of a secret understanding with the enemy. After their victory at the Kossovo plain (791/1389) the Ottomans made Skoplje (Üsküb) a strong frontier centre by settling there the Turks from Sarukhan under Pasha-Yigit (toward 793/1391). Then Shâhîn came back and drove out G. Stratsimirovic from Scutari, and St. Sergius (1393-1395) who had returned to the Venetians for protection.
Venice for its part took Alessio, Durazzo (1393), Drivasto (1396), all given up by the native lords for a yearly pension. The Ottomans too tried to keep the local lords on their side by guaranteeing them their lands as tîmârs. Thus Dimitri Yonima (Gionima), Konstantin Balsha, Gjergj Dukagjin as Turkish vassals all co-operated with Shâhîn against the Venetians.
The establishment of the Ottoman rule in Albania with its tahrîr (see Tapu) and tîmâr [q.v.] system started first in the region of Premedi (Premetë) and Korcë (Körice). The regular Ottoman administration with its subashis, and kâdîs in towns and sipâhîs in villages is found there in the records going back to the time of Bayazid I (Bavekalet Archives, Istanbul, Maliye no. 231). This must have followed the Ottoman expeditions in Albania in 796/1394 and 799/1397. The Ottoman records also show that Akcahisar (Croya, Krujë) was granted tax exemption in the same period. Albanian forces under Coïa Zaccaria, Dimitri Yonima, Gjergj Dukagjin and Dushmani were present at the battle of Ankara in
804/1402. Upon the collapse of Bayazids empire in 1402, many of these Albanian lords (Ivan Kastriot, Coïa Zaccaria, Niketa Thopia) recognised Venetian suzerainty. When in 1403 Georg Stratsimirovic died, Venice, which had already taken Scutari, seized a part of his heritage Dulcigno, Antivari and Budua. But his son Balsha, supported by Stephan Lazarevic and Vuk Brankovic of Serbia embarked
upon a long struggle against Venice. The latter finally reached an agreement on Albanian affairs with their suzerain, Emîr Süleyimân (19 Djumâdâ I, 812/29 September 1409). Then Pasha-Yigit of Üsküb forced Ivan Kastriot to submit to the Sultans suzerainty (813/1410). In the South the Ottomans supported Albanian Spatas against the Toccos. Finally war was declared against Venice during which the Ottomans made
the real conquest of Albania from Northern Epirus to Croya (Akcahisar) and formed the province of Arvanid-ili or Arnavud-ili (818-20/1415-1417).
The conditions which the Ottoman conquest brought into the country can be fully ascertained with the help of the details contained in the tîmâr register of 835/1432 (Sûret-i defter-i Sancâk-i Arvanid, ed. H. Ìnalcik, Ankara 1954). The names of various regions in the register frequently
contains references to the chief feudal families who were vassals of the Ottoman, about 819/1416; Yuvan-ili (land of Kastrioti), Balsha-ili (east of Kavajë and south of Shkumbi), Gionomaymo-ili (North of Pekin), Pavlo-Kurtik-ili (the Jilema Valley), Kondo-Miho-ili (area west of Elbasan), Zenebish-ili (Zenebissi, Gjinokastër and its surroundings), Bogdan-Ripe-ili (north of Elbasan), Ashtin-ili (Premetë). Besides these great families, many smaller Christian feudals kept some of their lands as tîmârs. Among them we may mention Dobrile (in Cartolos), Simos Kondo (in Kokinolisari), Bobza Family (Gion and his sons Ghin and Andre in the Village of Bobza or Bubës), Karli family (Matja). This kind of tîmârs constituted 16 per cent of all the tîmâr-holders in Arvanid-ili. Conversion to Islam was not considered necessary for possession of tîmâr. One Metropolid in Belgrade (Berat) and three Peskopos in Kanina, Akcahisar and Cartolos were given their former villages as tîmârs. The Turkish population in the province consisted only of the military and religious personnel. The Turkish tîmâr-holders with their men did not exceed 800 in number. The whole sandjak was distributed among about 300 tîmâr-holders who lived in the villages or castles, namely, Argirikasri (Argyrocastro, Gjinokastër), Kanina, Belgrade, Iskarapar, Bratushesh or Yenidje-kale and Akcahisar. Argirikasri (later on Argiri or Ergiri) became the seat of the sandjak-begi and in each county (wilâyet) centre there was a subashi and kâdî, The revolutionary step taken by the Ottoman state was that it considered almost all the agricultural lands as owned by the state, because only a system would enable it to apply its tîmâr system. The peasants, therefore, must have had the feeling that they were under an impersonal central government as compared to their close dependence
upon the feudal lords under the old régime.
In the north, the Ottomans supported first, Balsha III, and upon his death (824/1421), Stephan Lazerevic of Serbia, against Venice, which finally had to return to Stephan, Drivasto, Antivari and Budua (826/1423). In the south the Despot Carlo Tocco died in 832/1420 and Murad II, taking advantage of the conflict between his heirs, took Yannina (Muharram 834/October 1430). After that a new land and population survey of Albania was effected (Shabân 835/spring 1432) which meant the tightening of the Ottoman admnistrative control there. This survey may be regarded as the real
starting-point ot the long Albanian resistence during the subsequent decades. Moreover it demonstrates the real character of the rebellion. Firstly some ot the villages in the mountainous Kurvelesh and Bzorshek areas refused to be registered. In a few places they even killed their Ottoman tîmâr-holders. Great feudal lords such as Ivan (Yuvan) Kastriot in the north, Arianites (Araniti, Arnit) Comnenus in the Argirikasri region, had to give up considerable parts of their lands for distribution to the Ottoman sipâhîs as tîmâr. First Araniti took up arms, killed many sipâhîs in the autumn of 836/1432, and Thopia Zenebissi besieged Argirikasri. Alfonso V, of
Naples, Venice and Hungary encouraged the rebels. who defeated Alî son of
Evrenuz, governor of Albania, at the Bzorshek pass. Encouraged by tliesc developments Christian lords in central and northern Albania joined the rebellion. Finally in 837/1434 all the forces of Rumeli under Sinân Beg, governor-general of Rumeli, combined to put an end to this dangerous rebellion which was giving hope to Hungary of a new Crusade. But Araniti managed to escape to the mountains. The additional records made after 836/1432 m the defter of Arvanid-ili indicate that the rebellion did not affect the Ottoman control of the country to any considerable extent. A great majority of the Ottoman and Christian tîmâr-holders remained in possession of their tîmârs. It appears that mostly the Highlanders co-operated with the feudal families who had matrimonial connexions with their chieftains.
From 847/1443 onwards Iskender-beg [q.v.] the son-in-law of Araniti, assumed the leadership of the rebellion; his unusual energy and boldness, and thff international situation which obtained at the time, gave the movement a character of international
[p. 655] significance. Setting aside the legend that has grown up around his person, it must be emphasised that the origin and the motives of his rebellion were not different from those of the other Albanian lords. Appointed subashi of Akcahisar (Croya) about 842/1438, he was dismissed in 1440. He wished to recover Croya and his fathers lands in their entirety and to possess them as a feudal lord, not as a tîmâr-holder. It is true that he made an
alliance wth other feudal families, Thopias, Balshas,. Dukagjin, Dushmani, Lecca Zaccarïa and Araniti (The Alessio Meeting, 1st March 1444), but the idea of an Albania unified by a national leader is far from reality. He controlled only northern Albania while central and southern Albania always remained under Ottoman control. Subashis, and sandjak-begs, based on Argirikasri (Gjinokastër), Ohrida or Belgrade (Berat) tried to suppress him with local forces. He waged guerilla warfare all the time. Many of the battles described by Marino Barlezio with such fantastic figures were nothing but local clashes. Iskender-begs own forces seem never to exceed 3,000. By the treaty of 26th March 1451 he became vassal of Alforso V of Naples and surrendered Croya to the kings men. Araniti, who
had claims on southern Albania (Vagenetia, Valona, Kanina) followed his example. Araniti was authorised by the king to accept in his name oaths of allegiance by other Albanian lords. So Zenebissi and others also became Alfonsos vassals. In return, the King agreed to grant a yearly pension varying between 300 and 1400 ducats to each of these vassals and to provide them a place to take refuge in case of danger. This simple change of masters was obviously determined by the fact that the Aragonese system appeared much more favourable than the Ottoman regime to the Albanian feudals. But as witnessed by a contemporary Aragonese document,
the common people had hardly any complaints against the Ottoman administration. (see C. Marinesco, Alphonse VIII., Mél. de lécole Roum. en France, Paris 1923, 104). A tîmâr register made in 871/1466-67 included Dibra, Digobrdo, Rjeka, Mat and Cermenika (Babakalik Archives, Istanbul, Maliye no. 508). It is therefore seen that after Mehemmed IIs [q.v.] expedition in 870/1466, the tîmâr system was extended into these areas. Whatever his real motives may have been, Iskender-beg, who defied, in his mountains, Murad II (in 852/1448 and 854/1450) and Mehemmed II (in 870/1466 and 871/1467), was also glorified in his time as Champion of Christ, by the Pope, and as the Albanian National hero, by the nationalists in the 19th centurv.N>
During the Ottoman-Venetian war of 1463-1479 Albania became one of the main scenes of operation. Finally the Ottomans were able to take Croya, Drivasto, Alessio and Jabljak (Jabyak) in 1478, Scutari in 1479, and Durazzo in 1501. Alessio (Lesh), which the Ottomans lost during the war of 1499-1503, was retaken in 1509. After having failed in their attempts in 1538, the Ottomans finally took Antivari (Bar) and
Dulcigno (Ulcinj, Ölgün) in 1571, and thus completed their conquest of Albania.
It appears that up to the end of the 16th century Ottoman rule in Albania created a peaceful and prosperous era. Most of the old feudal families then adjusted themselves to the Ottoman régime, and even one of the Aranitis named Alî beg had a large tîmâr around Kanina, Argirikasri and Belgrade toward 1506.
Until about 870/1466 Ottoman Albania was organised as a sandjak under the name of Arvanid (or Arnavud)-ili. Its subdivisions were the wilâyets. of Argirikasri, Klisura, Kanina, Belgrade, Timor-indje, Iskarapar, Pavlo-Kurtik, Cartalos and Akcahisar. When in 1466 Mehemmed II erected
the fort of Elbasan, this region was set up as a new sandjak.
[p. 656] Moreover in the south the sandjak of Awlonya (Avlona) and in the east that of Ohri were created and in 1479 the sandjak of Iskenderiye (Scutari) was formed in the north. The following is a list established on the basis of the surveys of 912/1506 and 926/1520. (Bav. Archives, Tapu no. 34 and 94), showing the administrative and military situation in the 16t
The Albanian towns, which numbered 19 in the four Albanian sandjaks, were small local market-towns with populations varying between 7,000 and 4,000. Only Awlonya (Avlona) became a commercial centre of some importance (population 4 to 5 thousand). In order to further commerce, the government settled there a sizeable Jewish colony of the refugees from Spain (end of the 15th century). According to the Kânûn-nâme of Awlonya (see Arvanid Defteri, 123) the port handled goods imported from Europe, and velvets, brocades, mohairs, cotton goods, carpets, spices and leather goods came from Bursa and Istanbul. Some of the citizens of Awlonya even had business associates in Europe. Quite a large amount of tar and salt, produced near the city, was bought by state agencies at fixed prices. The tax income from Awlonya for the sultans treasury alone amounted to about 32 thousand gold ducats a year. A
garrison and a small fleet were stationed there permanently (for vols. 7 and 8). It must be noted that the Ottomans Albanian towns circa 1081/1670 see Ewliyâ Celebi, continued the tax privileges of Akcahisar and Iskarapar which went back to Byzantine times (L. von Thallóczy-C. Jirecek, Zwei Urkunden aus Nordalbanien, Archiv für slavische Phil., xxi, 1899, 83). The defter of 835/1431 reads as follows: Let the inhabitants of Akcahisar guard the castle and be exempt from all
kinds of taxation with the exception of kharâdj. These tax exemptions were abolished toward the end of the 16th century.
The Ottomans did not radically change the taxation system which had existed in Albania under the Byzantines and the Serbs. Ispendje, most probably a Serbian tax, was paid by every adult Christian male at the rate or 25 akca. Tlie basic Ottoman taxes were the ushr which was actually one eighth of agricultural products, and the djizya. The Byzantine tax of two bushels of wheat and two of rye a year survived in some parts of Albania under the Ottomans. So did fines called bâd-i hawâ [q.v.], apparently an adaptation of Byzantine aerikon. Tavuk ve boghaca (Byzantine kaviskia) also survived m Albania as an âdet. All tliese taxes except the djizya, which was collected for the sultans treasury were assigned to tîmâr-holders. Under the Ottomans the rate of taxation seems not to have been lighter than before. But they abolished forced labour and determined, in advance, for each peasant, the amount of taxes due. Unlawful practices did exist, and the Kânûn-nâme of 1583 would seem to give a good idea concerning such abuse.
It states that no tîmâr-holder should subject his peasants to forced labour make them carry hay for themselves, take their lands away without lawful reason, or force them to pay in cash the ushr, which was to be paid in goods. The commonest complaint of a semi-nomadic people was that they were liable to the sheep-tax more than once a year during their move from one pasture to another.
At the beginning of the 16th century the public revenue in the sandjak of Iskenderiye (Scutari) amounted to 4,392,910 akca, half of which was assigned to the sultan and the other half to the sandjak-begi (449,913) and the tîmâr-holders (1,776,118).
The Albanians occupied an outstanding place in the ruling class of the empire. At least thirty Grand-Viziers can be identified as of Albanian origin among them Gedik Ahmed, Kodja Dâwud, Dukagin-zâde Ahmed, Lutfî, Kara Ahmed, Kodja Sinân Pasha, Nasûh, Kara Murâd, and Tarhoncu Ahmed. In the Kapi-kulu army, too, the Albanians were always present in great numbers. One obvious reason for it was that the dewshirme [q.v.] system was practised extensively in Albania, as in Bosnia.
Two fundamental changes in the structure or the empire, namely the disruption of the tîmâr system on the one hand, and the deterioration of the fiscal system on the other, had their impact on the situation in Albania as elsewhere. The first change,
which coincided with the weakening of the central authority at the end of the 16th century made possible the formation of large estates in the provinces, while the second made it necessary for the state to assess new taxes and to reform the djizya; which due to its increased rate, affected particularly the Christian population. The discontent is manifested especially in the rebellious attitude of the Catholic highlanders in Albania in the 17th and 18th centuries and in their co-operation with hostile powers. For example. the original tax
of 1000 akca a year paid by the Klementi clan had become a trivial amount by the end of the 16th century due to the depreciation of the akca, and the government therefore wanted instead to assess the djizya at 1,000 gold coins. This caused the rebellion of the tribes of northern Albania. They started to attack and plunder the plains of Rumeli as far as Filibe. In order to stop these depredations
the Porte sent several armies against them and built a new castle near Gusinje. Their new uprising in 1638 was quelled by Duce Mehmed Pasha (see Naîma, iii, 399-409). The Klementi, Kuci (Kocaj), Piperi in the North, and the Himariots on the coastal range of Himara, co-operated also with the Austrian and Venetian armies during the wars of 1683-99, 1714-8, 1736-9.
On the other hand, as the central control weakened the highlanders began to penetrate into Rumeli and even in Anatolia from the beginning of 17th century. In the 18th century, pashas, begs and
[p. 657] ayân everywhere took into their service these highlanders who were reputed to be the best mercenaries. They were organised in bölüks of about 100 men under a bölük-bashi, who, as a perfect condottiere, arranged everything for his men with the hirer. The part played by such
bölüks is well illustrated by the example of Mehmed Alî in Egypt. .Many Albanians also joined the mountain bands in Rumeli, called Daghli eshkiydsi or Kircaali.
In the same period the lease system of the state-owned lands (mîrî arâdî mukâtaasi) on the lowlands, coastal plains or inland basins, in Albania gave birth to the big land-owning class of ayân [q.v.]. These absentee land-lords used every means to obtain more and more mukâtaât. Among them, the Bushatli family in the North, in the land of Gegs, and Tepedelenli Alî Pasha (see ALÎ PASHA TEPEDELNLI) (1744-1822) in the south, in the area of Tosks, emerged as semi-independent despots. The first Bushatli (in Turkish chroniclers Budjatli or Bucatli),
Mehmed Pasha, built up his power by acquiring large mukâtaât and by making an alliance, with the Malisors, the highlanders, and thus forced the Porte to confer him the governorship of Scutari (Ishkodra, Shkodër) (1779). After his death (1790), the Portes attempt to get back these mukâtaât caused his son Kara Mahmûd Pasha [q.v.] to rebel. Alî Pasha, too, possessed about 200 estates (ciftliks). The Porte at first did not challenge the increasing power and authority of the Bushatlis and Alî Pasha, as they were rightly
considered to check the domination of the local ayân, and the rivalry between these two pashas seemed to counterbalance each other. Alî Pasha once tried to extend his control into the zone of the Bushatlis and fought them. Through his sons whom he managed to have appointed governors of Thessaly, Morea, Karli-ili he actually formed a semi-independent state in Albania and Greece. In 1820, when the central government finally took action against him, he rebelled, and instigated the Greeks to revolt. The power of the last Bushatli, named Mustafâ Pasha, was destroyed only in 1832 by the reformed army of Mahmûd II. The centralist policy of the Tanzîmât caused troubles with the autonomous tribes in North Albania.
The Albanian League for the Defence of the Kights of the Albanian Nation had been set up at Prizren on June 13, 1878, only to influence the decisions of the Congress of Berlin; but it proved to have great significance for the birth of an Albanian state later on. Encouraged by the Ottoman government at the beginning, the League set up resistance to the Montenegrins and Greeks in order to keep the Albanian provinces united
(the four Ottoman wilâyets of Yanya, Ishkodra, Manastir and Kosova). But when the league tended to further the idea of an autonomous Albania, the Porte sent an army and aspersed the League (1881). The great powers, especially Austria-Hungary and
Italy, encouraged this autonomy movement with the purpose of extending their influence over Albania while Russia was
supporting Montenegros territorial claims over Albania. On the other hand, by enlisting Albanians in his bodyguard and conferring special favours on them, Abd al-Hamîd II was trying to win Albanian support. But the Albanian intellectuals, in co-operation with the Young Turks in Paris and elsewhere, were anticipating an autonomous Albania. In 1908 the stand taken by the Albanians against Abd al-Hamîd II at the Frizovik Meeting did actually help the Revolution to succeed. In the Ottoman Parliament the influential Albanian deputies, such as Ismâîl Kemal, Esad Toptanî, Hasan Prishtina, joined in tlie Hürriyyet we Itilâf Party which sought decentralisation as against the centralist ottomanisation
policy of the Ittihâd we Terakkî Party. While the heated discussions on an Albanian educational system was going on (the Congress of Manastir, November 1908) an uprising broke out among the Albanian highlanders who resisted the Ottoman government attempt to collect their arms. Finally, on 4th September 1912, the new Ottoman government accepted the Albanian demands for an autonomous administration. But the Balkan War completely changed the situation in the Balkans. A short time after the declaration of war, in November 1912, Ismâîl Kemal declared the independence of
Albania at Awlonya (Vlorë). The London Conference proclaimed Albania an autonomous principality under the guaranty of the six powers (29th July 1923); but the newly elected prince, Wilhelm von Wied, had soon to leave the country (3rd September 1914). After the first world war Serbia laid claims to Shkodër and Durrës. Seeing their country dismembered, the Albanian leaders hastily convoked a congress at Lushnjë (21st January 1920) and demanded the independence of Albania. A national government was formed in Tirana, and an Albanian partisan army drove out the Italians from Vlorë. Italy finally recognised the independence of
Albania with the treaty of Tirana (3rd August 1920). The small Albanian state experienced a tumultuous parliamentary life during the first years of its existence (1921-4). The Muslim land-owning beys of the western and central plains came into conflict with the Popular Party (under its leader Fan S. Noli). A revolution forced Ahmed Zog, the Prime Minister, to flee to
Yugoslavia. With Yugoslav support he came back into power (24th December 1924). A constituent Assembly proclaimed Albania a Republic and
named Ahmed Zog (Zogu) President. He then signed a series of treaties with Italy (12th May 1925; 27th November 1926; 22nd November 1927 and March 1936) putting the country practically under Italian protection. In September 1928 Zog was proclaimed the King of Albanians. He fled from Albania one day before the Italians invaded the country on April 6, 1939.
Bibliography: Emile Legrand, Bibliographie albanaise, completed and published by Henri Guys, Paris 1912; Jean G. Kersopoulos, Albanie, ouvrages et articles de revue parus de 1555 à 1934, ed. Flamma, Athens 1934; Herbert Louis, Albanian, Eine Landeskunde vornehmlich auf
Grunde eigener Reisen, Stuttgart 1927; Antonio Baldacci, Studi speciali albanesi, 3 vols., Rome 1932-33, 1938; Johann G. von Hahn, Albanesische Studien, Jena 1854; F. Nopcsa, Albanien. Bauten, Trachten und Geräte Nordalbaniens, Berlin and Leipzig 1925; Hyacinthe Hequard, Histoire et Description de la Haute-Albanie ou Ghegarie, Paris 1855; M.E. Durham, High Albania, London 1909; S. Gopcevic, Oberalbanien und Seine Liga, Leipzig 1881; Margaret Hasluck, The Unwritten Law in Albania, Cambridge 1954; Carleton S. Coon, The Mountains of Giants: A Racial and cultural Study of the North Albanian Mountain Ghegs, Cambridge, Mass. 1950; Ludwig von Thallóczy, Illyrisch-albanische Forschungen, Munich-Leipzig, 1916; Georg Stadtmüller, Forschungen zur albanischen Frühgeschichte, Archivum Europae Centro-Orientalis, vii/1941, 1-196; M.M. v. ufflay, Srbi i Arbanasi, Belgrade 1925; N. Jorga, Brève Histoire de lAlbanie et du peuple albanais, Bucharest 1919;
[p. 658] Fr. Pall, Marino Barlezio. Uno storico umanista, Mélanges dhistoire générale, ii (Cluj 1938), 135-318; H. Ìnalcik, Sûret-i Defter-i Sancak-i Arvanid, Ankara 1954; idem, Timariotes chrétiens en Albanie au XV.siècle, Mitteil., des oesterreichischen Staatsarchivs, Vienna iv/1952, 118-38; idem, Iskender bey, IA cüz 52; Stavro Skendi, Religion in Albania during the Ottoman Rule, in Südostforschungen xv/1956, 311-27; Albania, S. Skendi (editor), New York 1956; the Ottoman chroniclers, Neshrî, Urudj, Khodja Sad al-Dîn, Kâtib Celebi, Naîmâ, Findiklili Mehmed Agha, Râshid, Enwerî, Djewdet Pasha, contain considerable information on Albania (for these see F. Babinger, GOW); for Ewliyâ Celebi, see F. Babinger, Evlijâ Tschelebis Reisewege in Albanien, Berlin 1930; for the last period under the Ottoman rule, see Y.H. Bayur, Türk Inkilabi Tarihi, pub. Turkish Historical Society, Ankara 1943-1956; T.W. Arnold, The Preaching of Islam, London 1935; J.K. Birge, The Bektashi Order of Dervishes, Hartford 1937, K. Süssheim, Arnavutluk, in IA.