Brian Shannon | 1 Feb 01:02 2005

Dialectical graffiti

"Every morning I wake up on the wrong side of capitalism."

Photo in today's web edition of Le Monde

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Tom O'Lincoln | 1 Feb 01:10 2005

Re: My review on environment; comments invited

Thanks again for all the comments.

I intend to remove the reference to the use of market mechanisms in the
early phases of socialism. It seems to create misconceptions (eg giving
Patrick the impression I see merit in current carbon trading arrangements).
I’ll raise it in the mooted future discussion of strategies, where
hopefully I’ll have the space to explain myself better.

I have no disagreement at all with Norm’s call to campaign for serious
emission reduction targets. But actually neither would many
environmentalists who favour carbon trading. The starting point for a
carbon trading regime aimed at *actually fixing things* would be –
precisely – a set of serious mandatory emission reduction targets. That’s
textbook stuff.

Current arrangements don’t do this, so they won’t work, I agree. Further,
I’ve pointed out that they can become vehicles for “carbon imperialism”, an
argument I picked up from a very useful article by Norm. Conclusion: market
mechanisms don’t fix things under capitalism. 

With regard to the transition to socialism, Norm does say: “which is not to
say there is no place for some market devices as a complementary device)”.

This seems to get the proportions right. 

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(Continue reading)

Les Schaffer | 1 Feb 01:55 2005

Re: Moderator's reminder

steve heeren wrote:

> Louis:
> maybe you or les should show people HOW to delete text.

how to delete text, how to cut and paste text, these will appear on the 
tech page

les schaffer

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M. Junaid Alam | 1 Feb 02:12 2005

Left Hook Updated

Left Hook

Latest Release: Friday, January 31, 2005

Letter from an Antiwar Soldier: Patrick Resta, Specialist E/4, Responds
to a Lieutenant Colonel

Patrick Resta, Specialist E/4

/Left Hook/ co-editor Derek Seidman recently interviewed Patrick Resta,
an antiwar Army medic who returned from Iraq in November, 2004 and began
speaking out against the war and occupation. Resta's words were
published far and wide, and he received a huge response from readers.
Almost all the feedback was positive; some of it was negative. He
received one email from a Lieutenant Colonel Lusk criticizing the
interview (the subject of the email was "Disgraceful Interview").
Patrick Resta responded. We thought readers would be interested in
reading this exchange, printed below. The original email sent by the
Lieutenant Colonel is first, followed by Patrick Resta's response.

- (Read letters) <>

The Not-So Veiled Tyranny: Small "r" republicanism

Rodney Foxworth

I very much admire the contributions of the celebrated "leftist" man of
letters Gore Vidal. He is obviously brilliant, if not overtly arrogant,
though brilliance does seem to breed this sort of foible. That said, me
(Continue reading)

dd | 1 Feb 03:54 2005

Query on Attitudes in East. Europe

Does anyone know of good sources for public opinion
concerning post Soviet attitudes in any and all
countries of Eastern Europe?

I am looking especially for poll numbers and related
analysis dealing with what people thought they were
getting with the change in political economy as well
as what they now think of current political economic
affairs (but not anecdotal evidence of which I have
plenty).  I am wondering what percentage was hoping
for something more like social democracy etc


Do you Yahoo!? 
The all-new My Yahoo! - Get yours free! 

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davidquarter | 1 Feb 04:17 2005

"Don't Mistake Elections for Democracy"...

Forward from mart
----- Original Message ----- 
From: NC4P <at>
Sent: Sunday, January 30, 2005 11:11 AM
Subject: [NC4P]  Ric Salutin - "Don't Mistake
Elections for Democracy"

The Globe and Mail,
Jan. 28, 2005

Don't mistake elections for

by Rick Salutin

"The notion that, you know, somehow we're not
making progress [in Iraq]I - I just don't
subscribe to. I mean, we're having elections."
 - George W. Bush

I would call this a fetish, a handy term that comes
from anthropology,where it describes "any object
of irrational or superstitious devotion."

Karl Marx adapted it as he puzzled over the
oddity of capitalist economies, in which people
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ilyenkova | 1 Feb 04:28 2005

Re Bilious fred Halliday

Louis wrote:
 >Like others who have traveled this route, Halliday is developing a rather
 bilious personality that is rapidly encroaching on Christopher Hitchens'<

 For sheer bilousness, Fred Halliday's recent dicta certainly rival 
those of the execrable Hitchens. It's certainly of interest and deserves 
inquiry that there exists a coterie of ex-NLR limps ("liberal 
imperialists") who have enlisted in the cruise missile left. But I 
googled Halliday and find he's now a tenured international relations 
prof at the London School of Economics. When he wrote The Second Cold 
War he was just Fred Halliday. Not to rile the academics among us but in 
my own experience getting that entrenched faculty position at a place 
like the LSE can do head-spinning wonders for one's political disposition.

In this connection I'm reminded of that wonderful response Yves 
Montand's brother gave a reporter when asked about Yves's defection to 
the right circa 1989:

"The higher the monkey climbs the pole the more his asshole shows."

Bob M

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Octob1917 | 1 Feb 08:47 2005

Rosa Luxemburg: by Paul Frolich

Having just read through a fascinating biography of Rosa Luxemburg by Paul 
Frolich - an old Left Book Club edition published in 1940 - I wonder if anyone 
on the list could recommend any other works on this remarkable human being, one 
of history's great socialist thinkers and fighters to be sure. Before coming 
upon this work my knowledge of Luxemburg and her role in shaping the Polish, 
German and, indeed, international Communist movements was shamefully limited. I 
knew of her collaboration with Karl Liebknecht and their arrest and murder at 
the hands of German militarists in 1919. I also knew a little of her disputes 
with Lenin over his theory of organisation and belief in the necessity of an 
elite group of professional revolutionaries as opposed to her faith in the 
'spontaneity of the masses' in the prosecution of the revolution to come.

But these scant details of the more seminal points in her journey from Polish 
radical to cornerstone of the fatally divided German socialist movement pre 
and post-First World War in no way prepared me for the scintillating analysis 
provided in the selection of her writings and speeches which Frolich manage to 
weave into his gripping narrative, writing unique in their consistent 
understanding of history as a neverending process of social upheaval and conflict and 
the historical necessity of socialism in the interests of human progress. 

Consider for example her interpretation of Marx's famous dictum that 'Men 
make their own history but not always in circumstances of their own choosing.'

'Men do not make history of their own free will, but they do make their own 
history. The proletariat is dependent in its action on the given degree of 
maturity in social development existing at the time, but social development does 
not proceed independent and apart from the proletariat, and the proletariat is 
as much its cause and mainspring as it is its product and consequence.'

A large part of her political life was devoted to the internecine struggle 
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James Zarichny | 1 Feb 09:01 2005

Deaths ubder Stalin

From: Michael Sims <mjsbpmagen-mxmail <at>> 

I am shocked at the the silence of ordinary soviet people - especially now. Armenian, Jews, Roma,
traditional Americans - all have fought to have the crimes committed against them recognised. But I hear
of no such fight in the former soviet union. Am i just ignorant? Ill- or totally un-informed? Is it just
because the above mentioned groups were killed as peoples rather than as individuals ? 
People in Ukraine usually were not sent to death camps.  They were shot on the spot.

I visited the village in which my mother was born.  I was told by the locals that when the Germans arrived, they
wanted a man who opposed collectivizatrion to appoint as mayor.  When they appointed him, they did not know
that his daughter was married to a Jewish soldier.  Later, when they learned this, they told him to bring his
nine year old grandson.  Trembling, he went to get his grandson and dragged him by the hand.  The boy pleade
"Grand poppa, Grand poppa, don't turn me in."  The Germans took him to the edge of the village and shot him,  In
Kiev,  mountains of bodies of Communists and Jews who had been shot in public view were buried in the ravine
at Babba Yar.

>From before the American revolution to World War I,  Ukraine was partitioned between Russia and the Ausro
Hungarian Empire.  After World War I, the Austrian section passed to Poland where anti Semitism and
fascism developed a huge mass base among the Polish Ukrainians.  Altho its area was rellativly small, the
area was densely populated and accounted for 25% of all Ukrainian people.  In Soviet Ukraine, anti
Semitism existed , but in a dimenished form.  The people in Central and Eastern Ukraine were genuinely
shocked by the German behaviour.  Even the anti Semites were shocked.  Hugh numbers of Ukrainian families
volunteered to take Jewish children and claim them as distant Ukrainian relatives while their parents
went into the hugh forests to fight as partisans.  The peasants fed the partisans.  When the war ended, they
were reunited with their children.  When the war ended, much more th
 an half a million Jews survived the Nazi occupation in Ukraine.  I have never seen this in print,
 but it is clear to me that the Ukrainians saved more Jews than all the rest of Europe put together.  But very
little of this happened in far Western Ukraine.  

(Continue reading)

davidquarter | 1 Feb 09:15 2005

Is it time to bomb, invade Nepal???


Nepal's King Dismisses Government 
By BINAJ GURUBACHARYA, Associated Press Writer 
KATMANDU, Nepal - King Gyanendra dismissed Nepal's government on 
Tuesday and declared a state of emergency, taking control of the Himalayan 
kingdom for the second time in three years. 
He denied his takeover was a coup, although soldiers surrounded the houses of 
Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and other government leaders. 
Armored military vehicles with mounted machine guns were patrolling the streets of 
Katmandu, the capital, and phone lines in the city had been cut. 
In an announcement on state-run television, the king accused the government of 
failing to conduct parliamentary elections and being unable restore peace in the 
country, which is beset by rebel violence. 
"A new Cabinet will be formed under my leadership," he said, accusing political 
parties of plunging the country into crisis. "This will restore peace and effective 
democracy in this country within the next three years." 
Later, state-run television reported that a state of emergency had been declared. 
Democracy and royalty have long had a difficult relationship in Nepal. 
Gyanendra's late father, King Mahendra, established a rubber-stamp government 
and parliament but retained absolute power and outlawed political parties. The 
absolute monarchy ended when street demonstrations forced the king to give way to 
a multiparty government in 1990. 
On Tuesday, Gyanendra, who is also the supreme commander of the 78,000-
member Royal Nepalese Army, said security forces would be given more power to 
maintain law and order. But he insisted human rights would be respected. 
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