12 Jun 01:53 2002
Spicy (Wasabi) Roasted Green Peas
Spoiled Rotten <ub6ib9@...>
2002-06-11 23:53:04 GMT
2002-06-11 23:53:04 GMT
Where can I get the spicy (wasabi) green peas?
[I was pleasantly surprised, maybe even shocked, to find this article in the New York Times:] With Gaza Divided in 2, Travelers Wait and Wait By TIM GOLDEN ABU HOULI CHECKPOINT, Gaza Strip, June 5 — The trucks and cars wait in a chaotic, mile-long line, their Palestinian drivers jostling for any small space that opens in front of them. The other people just wait: packed four across in the back seats of their taxis, crouched in the precious shade of the trucks or standing stubbornly in the baking sun, savoring their cigarettes and pumpkin seeds as slowly as they can. The worn two-lane road on which they sit is the main highway of the Gaza Strip, running from Israel in the north to Egypt in the south. There was a time not long ago when that drive took less than an hour. Now it can take an entire day, or even longer. Just how long is impossible to predict. "Sometimes you wait until 2 in the afternoon, sometimes until 4," said Looy al-Loh, 31, a Palestinian nurse who lives in a village just north of the checkpoint and commutes to work at a clinic just south of it. "Sometimes you get stuck here all night. Or you stay so you can be near the front of the line if they open it in the morning." Since the Palestinian uprising began in September 2000, the Israeli Army has clamped down steadily on the movement of Palestinians within and outside the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Israeli officials describe the Palestinians' hardships as unfortunate but say they are unavoidable in the effort to protect Israeli citizens and soldiers from attacks, including suicide bombings, that have taken hundreds of lives. In the West Bank, some Palestinian cities and towns have become isolated enclaves, surrounded by troops and tanks. But the restrictions are nowhere felt more sharply than by the 1.3 million people of the Gaza Strip, which has been effectively cut in half and sometimes into thirds by checkpoints set up in large part to safeguard the travel of Gaza's 7,100 Jewish settlers. Full: http://www.nytimes.com/2002/06/12/international/middleeast/12GAZA.html --*-- Marc Rodrigues *Voicemail/Fax: 866.206.9067 x4217 *Students for a Free Society: http://qcsfs.tripod.com "We declare our right on this earth to be a human being, to be respected as a human being, to be given the right of a human being in this society, on this earth, in this day, which we intend to bring into existence by any means necessary." -Malcolm X
see attatched message. --*-- Marc Rodrigues *Voicemail/Fax: 866.206.9067 x4217 *Students for a Free Society: http://qcsfs.tripod.com
I have seen some references to a march in support of Reparations for Slavery in Washington DC this August 17th. I've yet to find a good source of information about it, although I admit I've just started to look. Does anyone on this list have some information they can share? TIA Sharon Stade sstade@...
What could Israel do to stabilize the situation in the West Bank? Small Peaces By Dru Oja Jay People on either side of the Israel/US/Palestine conflict are at odds. Israel wants the suicide bombings to stop, and Palestinians want the right of return and for Israel to pull out of the west bank. Palestinians either condemn suicide bombings but are powerless to stop them, or support them as a last resort to keep Israel from dominating without consequences. Israelis often equate the right of return with the destruction of Israel, and refuse to risk pulling out of the West Bank, fearing giving more power to anti-Israeli forces. On the Israeli side, the argument is usually that any action taken to help the Palestinians could undermine the very existence of Israel. While pulling out of the West Bank tout-a-coup or allowing the millions of Palestinian refugees to return all at once would lead to chaos, and a worse situation for everyone, there remain many steps that Israel could take which do not risk destabilization or make security more lax, but nonetheless result in substantial improvements to the current situation. These improvements could make life much better for both Israelis and Palestinians in the long run, and provide for the eventual possibility of real and lasting peace. Israel could put an end to bulldozing Palestinian homes and buildings without warning, for instance. They've been doing this since at least 1967, when they flattened the Moroccan Quarter in East Jerusalem (though forced removal of Arabs from their homes started in 1948). The most recent example of this practice has been in the Jenin refugee camp, where 1/3 of the houses were destroyed. But what catastrophic effect would ending this most unjust of practices have? It would mean a diminishment in Israel's ability to intimidate Palestinians, but would it mean that police activity against terrorists or suicide bombers would be less effective? Surely arrests can be made and even battles fought without the gratuitous destruction of civilian homes. Such a move on Israel's part could also result in a small but crucial unwillingness on the part of more Palestinians to tolerate suicide bombings and the organizations which commit them. Furthermore, it would be the first step on the long road to creating a situation stable enough that Palestinians might have a political life with an agenda that extends beyond mere survival. While the possibility of such a political life is not in the interests of people who feel that Israel's complete domination of the region is necessary for Israel to exist, it does make up the only possible basis for competent and just negotiations. If Israel took that first step, a truly massive effort would still remain in order to arrive at anything resembling justice. In the interests of not destabilizing, however, the next step could be to stop the systematic harassment and humiliation that Palestinian civilians are regularly subjected to by the occupying forces. While not as easy as stopping the bulldozing, ending the roadblocks where Palestinians are made to wait for hours to travel only a few miles, the interrogation, the beatings, denial of medical treatment and the shoot-to-kill curfews would be an improvement in a grim situation, and would not cause any sudden upset or result in turmoil. If anything, these improvements would cause just the opposite, by allaying another small part of the unnecessary burden that Palestinians carry every day. Similarly, simply stopping the construction of the "security fence" would save Israel $350 million, and would end the cantonization of what have become Palestinian enclaves, reminiscent of (if not identical in function to) South African bantustans. Israel could also end the use of torture on Palestinian "detainees". While some will argue that lives are saved when a torture victim gives up crucial information, it is difficult to argue for official sanction of torture, much less its use at all. So why not withdraw at least the official endorsement? Another improvement, no more destabilizing than the others, would be to declare the intention of granting equal rights for non-Jewish citizens of Israel. Currently, non-Jewish citizens of Israel get much less funding for schools and public works than do Jewish citizens. Non-Jewish citizens also find it nearly impossible to buy land in certain areas, much less build on it (unpermitted buildings are subject to the aforementioned bulldozing), and other rights granted to Jewish citizens are withheld from them. All of these steps could be consistent with any Israeli intention to eventually live in peace with the non-Jewish Palestinians who make their home close by. However, such a willingness could just as easily be a politically expedient embracing of gradualism, akin to that espoused by segregationists in the old American south. As Marting Luther King wrote in his Letter from a Birmingham Jail, "Perhaps it is easy for those who have never felt the stinging dark of segregation to say, 'Wait.'" It is hard to see how any of these steps would threaten Israel's immediate security, but it is as difficult to imagine their actual implementation. Taking these steps would necessitate a confrontation with the practice of conquest and colonization which currently frames Israel's stance towards Palestinians -- a confrontation not easily brought about. King's Letter brings out a few suggestions for the Palestinian side. He writes, "We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed." If Palestinians were, as Edward Said and other have repeatedly urged, to adopt non-violent tactics similar to those used by black South Africans or US civil rights protesters, then perhaps these simplest of steps could be accomplished. The success of non-violent confrontation, however, is at least partially conditional on the willingness of the US press to cover it. As it stands, recent non-violent protests led by independent Palestinians were covered widely by Arab and European journalists, but all but ignored by the US media. If, through political pressure and sustained effort, it were possible to accomplish any of the things discussed here, it would surely be only a minor part of what is required for justice in the region. Even making small, tangible steps can be both encouraging, and uncover new possibilities for both sides. Sensible Israelis and Palestinians can agree, if to nothing else, then to these minor things. From the example that would be set (with little risk taken), the Palestinians could find their own ways to improve the situation. A similar list could be made for Palestinians, and perhaps it should be. But Palestinians do not have access to the same democratic framework which exists for Israelis (the democracy which is "vibrant" and progressive for many, with the glaring exception of equal status for Arab non-Jews). Indeed, it is only after these and many other steps have been taken that Palestinians can have elections free of intimidation, and a government that is interested in more than the benefit of those in power. References: 1. http://jqf-jerusalem.org/journal/2000/jqf7/abowd.html 2. http://jerusalem.indymedia.org/news/2002/04/9340.php 3. http://jerusalem.indymedia.org/news/2002/04/8042.php 4. http://www.poica.org/casestudies/segregating-wb/ 5. http://www.amnestyusa.org/news/2002/israel01032002.html 6. http://electronicintifada.net/historicalmyths/medicaltreatment.html 7. http://web.amnesty.org/ai.nsf/recent/MDE150322002!Open 8. http://leb.net/~bcome/palestine/phric4.html 9. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A61385-2002Jun16.html 10. http://www.encyclopedia.com/html/e/e-bantustan.asp 11. http://leb.net/~bcome/palestine/legal_torture.html 12. http://www.law.northwestern.edu/depts/clinic/ihr/hrcomments/1997/may14-97.html 13. http://monkeyfist.com/articles/326 14. http://www.csmonitor.com/durable/2000/09/28/fp7s2-csm.shtml 15. http://www.freep.com/news/nw/qkadan18.htm 16. http://www.washington-report.org/backissues/0799/9907018.html 17. http://www.ahram.org.eg/weekly/1998/1948/378_tikv.htm 18. http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/(Symbol)/E.C.12.1.Add.27.En?OpenDocument 19. http://almaz.com/nobel/peace/MLK-jail.html 20. http://www.ahram.org.eg/weekly/2001/560/op2.htm 21. http://www.counterpunch.org/saidtruths.html 22. http://www.pmwatch.org/pmw/emailfax/silenceofthelambs.asp 23. http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/51/062.html 24. http://www.likud.nl/press40.html -- Posted on Monkeyfist at http://monkeyfist.com/articles/818
"Israeli forces opened fire on a market in the West Bank city of Jenin today, killing at least three people and wounding a number of Palestinians who mistakenly thought a curfew had been lifted..." http://www.nytimes.com/2002/06/21/international/21CND-MIDE.html "Two Palestinians were killed by Israel Defense Forces gunfire yesterday... In Qalqilyah, a pregnant woman, Sahar al-Hindi, was killed after Israeli forces used heavy fire to enter her neighborhood..." http://www.haaretzdaily.com/hasen/pages/ShArt.jhtml?itemNo=178629&sw=IDF --*-- Marc Rodrigues *Voicemail/Fax: 866.206.9067 x4217 *Students for a Free Society: http://qcsfs.tripod.com "We declare our right on this earth to be a human being, to be respected as a human being, to be given the right of a human being in this society, on this earth, in this day, which we intend to bring into existence by any means necessary." -Malcolm X
Co-opting Solidarity: Privilege in the Palestine Solidarity Movement By Nicole Solomon http://www.onwardnewspaper.org/archives/2-2002/solomon.html The upsurge of support worldwide for Palestinians facing increasingly right wing Israeli policy is a crucial piece of movement toward global solidarity with and among oppressed peoples. It is good and fitting that, in the face of the Israeli government’s genocidal practices and the strategic backing of the United States government, the numbers of liberation-minded people in the U.S. opposing the occupation and other horrendous actions is growing. The Israeli occupation has become a central issue for activists in the U.S. It is about time that many who had previously dodged the issue – especially white progressives and radicals – moved it to the forefront of their agenda. The Palestinian solidarity movement must grow. As we grow, we must remain – and hopefully become increasingly – radical. I write this article as someone committed to all struggles against oppressive power, as a white queer Jewish anarchist living under the United States’ white supremacy, engaged in anti-racist activism, theory, praxis. My identity is of immediate relevance in addressing Palestinian solidarity activism. The identities of all activists involved are, as they inform the privileges we hold and the vulnerabilities we have in the context of our activism. The April 20 and 22 demonstrations in Washington D.C., landmark events in the global Palestinian solidarity movement, also represent a turning point in the movement against the occupation. If we don’t act in principled solidarity, we face the risk of becoming a white co-optation movement. Many U.S. white goy (non-Jewish) activists have little to no understanding of the histories of anti-Jewish oppression, anti-Semitism (a term often used in the U.S. interchangeably with “anti-Jewish,” but actually refers to all “semites” – Arab as well as Jewish people) or the vulnerabilities of Arabs, Muslims, South Asians and anyone perceived as such. They may feel a sincere affinity for Palestinians and rage at the practices of the Israeli government, but that doesn’t mean they have an understanding of what solidarity means. Solidarity involves acting accountably with an understanding of the participants’ locations of power. Not every U.S. activist involved in Palestinian solidarity efforts is acting in ways accountable to Palestinians and others involved in the movement. These activists often occupy privileged locations of identity – whiteness and, more often than not, WASPiness and class privilege. Such activists may plan actions supposedly on behalf of Palestinians yet structured around agendas other than what might actually be useful to Palestinian people. For example, activists may initiate (or attempt to initiate, the more common occurrence in April in DC) illegal, potentially high risk activities that could endanger Muslims, Arabs and South Asians in the area, generally at a much higher risk than, for example, white goy anarchists. High risk actions for Palestine are not acceptable when privileged activists organize them without discussion with Muslim and Arab groups, particularly when there was no call for such activities from Muslim, Arab and South Asian groups. Such situations especially occur in contexts where majority white and goy groups claiming to be pro-Palestinian liberation activists have little to no relationship or communication with South Asian, Arab and Muslim communities in general. Many white goy activists autonomously plan “pro-Palestinian” actions they think sound cool, without any familiarity with the work already done by Arab, Muslim and South Asian activists groups or how they could usefully plug in. Such activists act in ways unaccountable to the people they are supposedly “in solidarity” with. Non-Palestinians engaging in solidarity work must support Palestinians, not use the Palestinian solidarity movement as an opportunity to advance their own (conscious or unconscious) agendas. A dangerous trend emerging here, which has emerged over and over in radical movement, is activism as co-optation, not in solidarity. In the 60s and early 70s the Black Panther Party was exoticized by white U.S. activists who got pleasure from their “edgy” identification with these “Others.” Similar dynamics can be seen today with white radicals in the globalization movement fixing their colonial gaze upon yet another oppressed and “bad-ass” group. In the context of this history, what warning bells go off when white U.S. black bloc anarchists “in solidarity” mask up in red and black kaffiyas, a traditional Palestinian head covering, seemingly oblivious to the significance of such in Palestinian and broader Muslim and Arab cultures. This is appropriation of aspects of an oppressed people’s culture by a privileged class. While there may be times when it is appropriate for non-Palestinians to wear kaffiyas, direction for how to use cultural symbols must come from those whose symbols are being used. Radical theorist bell hooks discusses the pleasure white people may find in racial transgressions that exploit Otherness in her essay, “Eating the Other: desire and resistance.” She writes: “The commodification of Otherness has been so successful because it is offered as a new delight, more intense, more satisfying than normal ways of doing and feeling ... Certainly from the standpoint of white supremacist capitalist patriarchy, the hope is that desires for the ‘primitive’ or fantasies about the Other can be continuously exploited, and that such exploitation will occur in a manner that re-inscribes and maintains the status quo.” Underlying power structures are not challenged when white people fetishize people of color and seek connection with them because they are desirably exotic. White U.S. goyim in the Palestinian solidarity movement can often be seen playing into this dynamic, where the privileged radicals are offered up a fresh way to assume a position outside of the mainstream. They are offered ways different from “normal” summit-hopping through which marginalized peoples and their struggle can act as another gateway to “new” forms of “edginess.” Within this framework, it is ultimately the white goy whose desires and pleasures served through the imperial transgression of the conquest of yet another “outsider” frontier. The slogan “we are all Palestinian” said in conjunction with the wearing of kaffiyas, the flying of the Palestinian flag and paired with activities furthering white goy activists’ own identity and self-image, could be seen as “eating the other” within activism. Identification with Palestinians – an “exotic” and demonized group within racist U.S. discourse, one of the most blatantly and frequently discussed as such in this moment – is rather edgy. White U.S. anarchists in full black bloc drag who don kaffiyas – in misappropriated, anarchist-appropriate colors, no less – manage to simultaneously play off of and into racist constructions in the U.S. of the scary kaffiya-wearing Arab. It is not the place of white U.S. anarchists to play around with these visual semiotics when they are not the ones injured by them. White U.S. anarchists can always take off the kaffiya and blend back into society as a “real” U.S. citizen, not a “potential terrorist.” It also rather “spices” up bland white U.S. anarchism, kicks your black bloc up a notch, to fly a Palestinian flag. To what degree does the rebelliousness of the act, perceived or actual, inform the decision to fly the flag? Never mind the questions raised by anarchists flying a state flag – in this case, for a state some are fighting to establish. Not that it is wrong, but what is the thought process in these instances? Why is it acceptable now even among anti-statists? U.S. white anarchist flag waving is not an example of principled solidarity. In some cases it may be yet another example of white political-symbol consumers trying to absorb some of that spicy extreme outsider Other-ness. It is necessary to end these patterns in the interest of building sustainable movement for global liberation, in which anti-racism must be central. White goy activists in the U.S. can float through Palestinian solidarity activism with a casual freedom and comparative ease South Asians, Arabs, Muslims and Jews – even white Jews – cannot enjoy. As usual, people of color in general and now Arabs, Muslim and South Asians in particular are the targets of police repression and media distortion. Counter demonstrators also invariably target Palestinians and other Muslims, Arabs and South Asian as the subject of verbal – if not physical – assault of the most vitriolic racist kind. If the counter demonstrators are Jewish Zionists, they will also specifically target Jewish demonstrators for verbal – if not physical – assault. Zionists tend to feel deeply betrayed by pro-Palestine Jews and act in intensely rageful, at times violent, ways toward them. White Jews are in a much riskier situation than white goyim when it comes to Zionists. Jews opposing Israeli colonialism will continually be attacked not only for their political position, but for being Jews holding that position. White goyim need to realize this, as they must realize the particular targeting of Arabs, Muslims and South Asians, at risk in ways white Jewish activists are not. Sept. 11 exacerbated an already hateful climate. Muslims, Arabs and South Asians are even more vulnerable to racist violent crimes, whether perpetuated by a private citizen or direct agent of the state. All white activists must also remember that non-Arab and/or Muslim people of color continue to be targeted by police and other “authorities,” something sometimes forgotten post 9/11. All white demonstrators in the U.S. need to keep these things in mind to be accountable when deciding how to conduct themselves at pro-Palestinian events. Differences in vulnerability among activists must be understood so that we can watch each other’s backs at demos, actions and in daily life. For instance, anti-Semitic propaganda by the “left” creates an unsafe environment for Jewish radicals. Where do white goy activists in the United States, at a distinct racial/ethnic privilege over Jews and with no understanding of the worldwide historical legacy of anti-Jewish oppression, get off burning a star of David, a traditional symbol of Judaism and Jewish people, as occurred on April 22? What does that mean to them? What does it mean to the media, the cops, their fellow white goy protesters? Their fellow Arab and Muslim protesters? Their fellow Jewish protesters? Anti-Semitism can and will be exploited by pro-occupation forces. Anti-Semitic or anti-Jewish statements play into the hands of Zionists, who rely on keeping the lines between the state of Israel, current Israeli policy, Judaism and Zionism as hazy as possible. It is crucial for us to keep the distinctions between them clear. A statement by Jews Against The Occupation points out that “Judaism, a cultural and religious identity, is not the same as Zionism, a political movement. Criticisms of the state of Israel or the idea of a Jewish state, whether put forth by Jews or non-Jews, do not constitute anti-Semitism. Equating Judaism and Zionism serves the Zionist agenda by passing off all criticisms of the Israeli State as anti-Jewish.” White goyim who attempt to pass off anti-Jewish statements as merely critiques of Israel also contribute to this dynamic. To perpetuate a racist image of Palestinians as inherently anti-Jewish, the media will use white goyish anti-Semitism and anti-Jewish sentiment within the Palestinian solidarity movement. Palestinians – and other Muslims, Arabs and South Asians – will be conveniently scapegoated. It is not only white goyim who express anti-Semitic sentiments, yet theirs are most often obscured and unchallenged. White Jews, in an unspoken alliance with the interest of white goyim – and white supremacy – have often racistly focused on the anti-Semitism of people of color, helping to create a false understanding of how power operates through racial hierarchy. At demonstrations white goyim have said, displayed, defended, not noticed or been unconcerned by anti-Jewish sentiments. You can say Ariel Sharon is a war criminal without playing off anti-Semitic caricatures of his Jewish features, or make signs with a Star of David equaling a Swastika (while the Israeli flag has a star of David on it, this is a symbol of Judaism in general, not Israel specifically.) At the anti-American Israel Public Affairs Committee rally in D.C., there was at least one occurrence of a white, blond haired, blue-eyed apparent goy coming to the aid of another non-Jewish white demonstrator displaying swastikas and spewing anti-Jewish rhetoric, when the latter was challenged by other demonstrators. Said apparent goy told the demonstrators concerned with anti-Semitism to shut up in the name of the anti-Semite’s “freedom of speech.” Such actions on the part of white goyim are, in part, the product of simplistic, paternalistic, binary thinking that does nothing to aid Palestinians fighting for liberation and an end to the occupation. The enemy is colonialism, not Jewish people. In Barbara Smith’s essay, “Between a rock and a hard place: relationships between Black and Jewish women,” she discusses both the anti-Semitism that weaves its way through radical movements and the racism of many white Jewish radicals. Smith writes this specifically to Black women within the context of the complex histories of relationships between Black and Jewish women, but her essay is useful to others engaged in radical politics where racism and anti-Semitism are present. She writes, “in the case of racist Jewish people we have something to throw back at them – anti-Semitism. Righteous as such comebacks may seem, it does not serve us, as feminists and political people, to ignore or excuse what is reactionary in ourselves. Our anti-Semitic attitudes are just that.” U.S. white goy activists who indulge in anti-Jewish and/or anti-Semitic sentiment are acting out of oppressive racism, even if supposedly, charitably, “on behalf of” others. The solidarity movement to end the occupation is of vital importance, and it is crucial that we centralize a radical anti-oppressive politic. The histories of solidarity movements, and the often fragile alliances and coalitions that build them, sometimes paint a grim picture of the ability of dominating power to internally colonize attempts to build movements of resistance to oppression. The histories of these failures too often go unrecorded. We must name these dynamics before and as they occur, for it is the masking of these relationships, sometimes hidden in the rhetoric of solidarity, that allows them to hijack and destroy the radical possibilities of our struggles. Through naming and dismantling these techniques of dominating power, we will overcome them. We must do this in order to build anti-racist liberatory solidarity capable of toppling colonial occupations and bringing the possibilities of a new world to life. Special thanks to Dan Berger, Eugene Koveos, Louisa Solomon and Diane Welch for their help in preparing this article. Nicole Solomon is a writer and musician in New York City and runs Fringe Element Records. She can be contacted at ghost_vs_vampire@... or Fringe Element, PO Box 218, peter stuyvesant station, New York NY 10009. --*-- Marc Rodrigues *Voicemail/Fax: 866.206.9067 x4217 *Students for a Free Society: http://qcsfs.tripod.com "We declare our right on this earth to be a human being, to be respected as a human being, to be given the right of a human being in this society, on this earth, in this day, which we intend to bring into existence by any means necessary." -Malcolm X
On Sun, Jun 23, 2002 at 11:26:20AM -0400, TDJ1956@... wrote: > Hey, the paki slip was not intentional on the president's part. How do you know? If he'd apologized for it, that would be some reason to think it was unintentional. > It is not > like it is ingrained in his language and thought processes. How do you know? > Lighten up on George!! DJ He's too powerful and too insane for that. Kendall Clark -- No war but the class war!
Italian police 'framed G8 protesters' by Rory Carroll in Rome Saturday June 22, 2002 The Guardian (UK) Italian police have been accused of fabricating evidence against anti-globalisation protesters at last year's G8 summit in Genoa by planting petrol bombs at their headquarters and falsely accusing them of stabbing a police officer. According to a magistrates' investigation, the police improvised lies to justify a bloodsoaked raid at the Diaz school, which was being used by protesters as a headquarters. The raid, which left dozens injured after being kicked, punched and beaten with batons, prompted an international outcry. It emerged this week that senior police officers have been placed under investigation for allegedly making false statements as part of a cover-up. At a press conference the day after the July 21 raid the police presented an array of weapons which they said were seized at the school and proved the occupants were part of the violent Black Bloc anarchists who rioted during the summit. Two petrol bombs were displayed as the most damning evidence and prosecutors said all 93 occupants, including five Britons, could be charged with conspiracy to bomb and jailed for five years if found guilty. Genoa magistrates investigating the raid now suspect the Molotov cocktails had in fact been found by police in the centre of the city, seven hours before the midnight raid. Earlier this month Pasquale Guaglione, a deputy police chief, told investigators that his unit discovered two petrol bombs behind a bush on Via Corso Italia, the scene of fierce rioting, and passed them on to a mobile patrol to take back to the police station. Mr Guaglione said the labels on the wine bottles - a "Merlot" and a "Colli Piacentini" - were the same as those supposedly seized at the school. Genoa's police station had no record of receiving the petrol bombs from the mobile patrol - a unit from Rome which took part in that night's raid. A colleague based in Florence has supported Mr Guaglione's testimony but yesterday a member of the Rome-based unit involved in the raid told the magistrates that he had seen the petrol bombs at the school. The national chief of police, Gianni De Gennaro, appeared to endorse the allegations of fabrication by saying any officer who lied would be fired. He complained that the entire force should not be discredited by the behaviour of a few individual officers. It also emerged this week that investigators no longer believe a police officer who said a protester tried to stab him in the chest during the raid on the school - a claim which was used last July to suggest the occupants were violent and resisted arrest. The rip in his bullet proof jacket was not consistent with a knife and the police officer may be charged with false testimony, according to investigators quoted in Italian media reports. The Rome daily La Repubblica said a "fragile mountain of lies" against the anti-globalisation movement was crumbling. The Group of Eight summit was the international debut of Italy's new prime minister, Silvio Berlusconi, and police sealed off much of the city to keep hundreds of thousands of protesters away from delegates including George Bush of the US, Tony Blair and Vladimir Putin of Russia. Street battles erupted when police baton-charged protesters who had been infiltrated by the Black Bloc movement of violent anarchists, leaving Genoa a smoking wreck and a rioter shot dead by police.