Spoiled Rotten | 12 Jun 01:53 2002

Spicy (Wasabi) Roasted Green Peas

Where can I get the spicy (wasabi) green peas?
Marc Rodrigues | 12 Jun 05:07 2002

"This is a way for them to demonstrate hour by hour that they are masters over our lives,"

[I was pleasantly surprised, maybe even shocked, to find this article
in the New York Times:]

With Gaza Divided in 2, Travelers Wait and Wait

ABU HOULI CHECKPOINT, Gaza Strip, June 5 — The trucks and cars wait in
a chaotic, mile-long line, their Palestinian drivers jostling for any
small space that opens in front of them.

The other people just wait: packed four across in the back seats of their
taxis, crouched in the precious shade of the trucks or standing stubbornly
in the baking sun, savoring their cigarettes and pumpkin seeds as slowly
as they can.

The worn two-lane road on which they sit is the main highway of the Gaza
Strip, running from Israel in the north to Egypt in the south. There
was a time not long ago when that drive took less than an hour.

Now it can take an entire day, or even longer. Just how long is impossible
to predict.

"Sometimes you wait until 2 in the afternoon, sometimes until 4," said
Looy al-Loh, 31, a Palestinian nurse who lives in a village just north
of the checkpoint and commutes to work at a clinic just south of it.
"Sometimes you get stuck here all night. Or you stay so you can be near
the front of the line if they open it in the morning."

Since the Palestinian uprising began in September 2000, the Israeli Army
has clamped down steadily on the movement of Palestinians within and
outside the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Israeli officials describe
the Palestinians' hardships as unfortunate but say they are unavoidable
in the effort to protect Israeli citizens and soldiers from attacks,
including suicide bombings, that have taken hundreds of lives.

In the West Bank, some Palestinian cities and towns have become isolated
enclaves, surrounded by troops and tanks. But the restrictions are nowhere
felt more sharply than by the 1.3 million people of the Gaza Strip, which
has been effectively cut in half and sometimes into thirds by checkpoints
set up in large part to safeguard the travel of Gaza's 7,100 Jewish settlers.

Full: http://www.nytimes.com/2002/06/12/international/middleeast/12GAZA.html

Marc Rodrigues
*Voicemail/Fax: 866.206.9067 x4217
*Students for a Free Society: http://qcsfs.tripod.com

"We declare our right on this earth to be a human being, to be respected
as a human being, to be given the right of a human being in this society,
on this earth, in this day, which we intend to bring into existence by
any means necessary." -Malcolm X 

Marc Rodrigues | 13 Jun 05:01 2002

Fwd: [DirectActionPalestine] Freedom Summer in Palestine to begin June 25 - FORWARD WIDELY

see attatched message.

Marc Rodrigues
*Voicemail/Fax: 866.206.9067 x4217
*Students for a Free Society: http://qcsfs.tripod.com 

Direct Action for a Free Palestine



Contact: Amanda Ream, (212) 541-4226, x241

Eric Laursen, (917) 806-6452

Kate Cooper, (917) 374-7087

For Immediate Release


Freedom Summer beings June 26: Peace workers kick off two months of non-violent direct action in Palestine against Israeli occupation


NEW YORK - June 25 is the kick-off date for Freedom Summer, a campaign of non-violent protest and direct action by Palestinians and international activists to promote freedom and justice for Palestine. Based in New York City, Direct Action for a Free Palestine is working in coordination with the International Solidarity Movement and, through the ISM, with the 60,000-member network of Palestinian NGOs (PNGO) to organize, train, and in some cases fund US activists for the 54-day campaign.


Since last year, 13 members of Direct Action for a Free Palestine have spent a total of over nine months in the Occupied Territories, three of them aided by scholarships the group provided. They were among 100 other Americans and 1,000 internationals who stood with the Palestinians. Delegates provided desperately needed humanitarian aid and, by their presence, helped to prevent an escalation of Israeli Army violence in countless situations.


The delegation that starts out on June 25 is expected to number in the hundreds. Fundraising is making a larger number of scholarships possible as well, aided by international outrage over Israel's campaign of terror in the Territories. Participants plan a number of non-violent direct actions, including removing roadblocks, rebuilding destroyed homes, providing cover for ambulances and emergency workers, and replanting uprooted trees.


"Like the Civil Rights Movement in the U.S., India's National Liberation Movement, and the Anti-Apartheid Movement in South Africa, Freedom Summer will utilize non-violent direct action strategies to overcome oppression," says Kristen Schurr, who spent April and May in the West Bank and Gaza Strip as a delegate from Direct Action for a Free Palestine. "This is not a cause of Palestinians against Israelis or Arabs against Jews. Rather, it is a cause of humanity against injustice, against oppression for freedom."


Members of Direct Action for a Free Palestine who have already been delegates in the Occupied Territories will be available for interviews about their experiences in the weeks ahead. Once they have arrived in the Occupied Territories, many Freedom Summer delegates will be available for regular contact with the press by cell phone.

# # # # #



This list is for those interested in travelling to Palestine for direct action in support of Palestinian human rights.  The next delegation, "Freedom Summer" is currently planned for June 25.

For the best, up-to-date, first-hand, news from Palestine, go to Indymedia Palestine at http//:jerusalem.indymedia.org.

For diaries and photos from the last delegation, and lots of other excellent information, see www.ccmep.org.  For diaries from an activist currently in Palestine, go to http://georgie.ripserve.com/

To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:

Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to the Yahoo! Terms of Service.
Sharon Stade | 18 Jun 20:25 2002

Info? Reparations march in DC this August

I have seen some references to a march in support of Reparations for
Slavery in Washington DC this August 17th. 

I've yet to find a good source of information about it, although I admit
I've just started to look. 

Does anyone on this list have some information they can share?

Sharon Stade

Dru Oja Jay | 20 Jun 22:08 2002

Small Peaces

What could Israel do to stabilize the situation in the West Bank?

Small Peaces
By Dru Oja Jay

People on either side of the Israel/US/Palestine conflict are at odds.
Israel wants the suicide bombings to stop, and Palestinians want the right
of return and for Israel to pull out of the west bank. Palestinians either
condemn suicide bombings but are powerless to stop them, or support them as
a last resort to keep Israel from dominating without consequences. Israelis
often equate the right of return with the destruction of Israel, and refuse
to risk pulling out of the West Bank, fearing giving more power to
anti-Israeli forces.

On the Israeli side, the argument is usually that any action taken to help
the Palestinians could undermine the very existence of Israel. While pulling
out of the West Bank tout-a-coup or allowing the millions of Palestinian
refugees to return all at once would lead to chaos, and a worse situation
for everyone, there remain many steps that Israel could take which do not
risk destabilization or make security more lax, but nonetheless result in
substantial improvements to the current situation. These improvements could
make life much better for both Israelis and Palestinians in the long run,
and provide for the eventual possibility of real and lasting peace.

Israel could put an end to bulldozing Palestinian homes and buildings
without warning, for instance. They've been doing this since at least 1967,
when they flattened the [1]Moroccan Quarter in East Jerusalem (though forced
removal of Arabs from their homes started in 1948). The most recent
[2]example of this practice has been in the [3]Jenin refugee camp, where 1/3
of the houses were destroyed. But what catastrophic effect would ending this
most unjust of practices have? It would mean a diminishment in Israel's
ability to intimidate Palestinians, but would it mean that police activity
against terrorists or suicide bombers would be less effective? Surely
arrests can be made and even battles fought without the gratuitous
destruction of civilian homes.

Such a move on Israel's part could also result in a small but crucial
unwillingness on the part of more Palestinians to tolerate suicide bombings
and the organizations which commit them. Furthermore, it would be the first
step on the long road to creating a situation stable enough that
Palestinians might have a political life with an agenda that extends beyond
mere survival. While the possibility of such a political life is not in the
interests of people who feel that Israel's complete domination of the region
is necessary for Israel to exist, it does make up the only possible basis
for competent and just negotiations.

If Israel took that first step, a truly massive effort would still remain in
order to arrive at anything resembling justice. In the interests of not
destabilizing, however, the next step could be to stop the systematic
harassment and humiliation that Palestinian civilians are regularly
subjected to by the occupying forces.

While not as easy as stopping the bulldozing, ending the [4]roadblocks where
Palestinians are made to wait for hours to travel only a few miles, the
interrogation, the [5]beatings, [6]denial of [7]medical treatment and the
[8]shoot-to-kill curfews would be an improvement in a grim situation, and
would not cause any sudden upset or result in turmoil. If anything, these
improvements would cause just the opposite, by allaying another small part
of the unnecessary burden that Palestinians carry every day. Similarly,
simply stopping the construction of the [9]"security fence" would save
Israel $350 million, and would end the cantonization of what have become
Palestinian enclaves, reminiscent of (if not identical in function to) South
African [10]bantustans.

Israel could also end the use of [11]torture on Palestinian "detainees".
While some will argue that lives are saved when a torture victim gives up
crucial information, it is difficult to argue for [12]official sanction of
torture, much less its use at all. So why not withdraw at least the official

Another improvement, no more destabilizing than the others, would be to
declare the intention of granting equal rights for non-Jewish citizens of
Israel. Currently, non-Jewish citizens of Israel get [14]much less funding
for schools and public works than do Jewish citizens. Non-Jewish citizens
also find it nearly impossible to [15]buy land in certain [16]areas, much
less [17]build on it (unpermitted buildings are subject to the
aforementioned bulldozing), and other rights granted to Jewish citizens are
[18]withheld from them.

All of these steps could be consistent with any Israeli intention to
eventually live in peace with the non-Jewish Palestinians who make their
home close by. However, such a willingness could just as easily be a
politically expedient embracing of gradualism, akin to that espoused by
segregationists in the old American south. As Marting Luther King wrote in
his [19]Letter from a Birmingham Jail, "Perhaps it is easy for those who
have never felt the stinging dark of segregation to say, 'Wait.'"

It is hard to see how any of these steps would threaten Israel's immediate
security, but it is as difficult to imagine their actual implementation.
Taking these steps would necessitate a confrontation with the practice of
conquest and colonization which currently frames Israel's stance towards
Palestinians -- a confrontation not easily brought about.

King's Letter brings out a few suggestions for the Palestinian side. He
writes, "We know through painful experience that freedom is never
voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed."
If Palestinians were, as Edward Said and other have repeatedly [20]urged, to
adopt non-violent tactics similar to those used by black South Africans or
US civil rights protesters, then perhaps these simplest of steps could be

The success of non-violent confrontation, however, is at least partially
conditional on the willingness of the US press to cover it. As it stands,
recent [21]non-violent protests led by independent Palestinians were covered
widely by Arab and European journalists, but [22]all but ignored by the US

If, through political pressure and sustained effort, it were possible to
accomplish any of the things discussed here, it would surely be only a minor
part of what is required for justice in the region. Even making small,
tangible steps can be both encouraging, and uncover new possibilities for
both sides. Sensible Israelis and Palestinians can agree, if to nothing
else, then to these minor things. From the example that would be set (with
little risk taken), the Palestinians could find their own ways to improve
the situation.

A similar list could be made for Palestinians, and perhaps it should be. But
Palestinians do not have access to the same democratic framework which
exists for Israelis (the democracy which is "vibrant" and progressive for
many, with the glaring exception of equal status for Arab non-Jews). Indeed,
it is only after these and many other steps have been taken that
Palestinians can have elections free of [23]intimidation, and a government
that is interested in more than the benefit of [24]those in power.

   1. http://jqf-jerusalem.org/journal/2000/jqf7/abowd.html
   2. http://jerusalem.indymedia.org/news/2002/04/9340.php
   3. http://jerusalem.indymedia.org/news/2002/04/8042.php
   4. http://www.poica.org/casestudies/segregating-wb/
   5. http://www.amnestyusa.org/news/2002/israel01032002.html
   6. http://electronicintifada.net/historicalmyths/medicaltreatment.html
   7. http://web.amnesty.org/ai.nsf/recent/MDE150322002!Open
   8. http://leb.net/~bcome/palestine/phric4.html
   9. http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A61385-2002Jun16.html
  10. http://www.encyclopedia.com/html/e/e-bantustan.asp
  11. http://leb.net/~bcome/palestine/legal_torture.html
  12. http://www.law.northwestern.edu/depts/clinic/ihr/hrcomments/1997/may14-97.html
  13. http://monkeyfist.com/articles/326
  14. http://www.csmonitor.com/durable/2000/09/28/fp7s2-csm.shtml
  15. http://www.freep.com/news/nw/qkadan18.htm
  16. http://www.washington-report.org/backissues/0799/9907018.html
  17. http://www.ahram.org.eg/weekly/1998/1948/378_tikv.htm
  18. http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/(Symbol)/E.C.12.1.Add.27.En?OpenDocument
  19. http://almaz.com/nobel/peace/MLK-jail.html
  20. http://www.ahram.org.eg/weekly/2001/560/op2.htm
  21. http://www.counterpunch.org/saidtruths.html
  22. http://www.pmwatch.org/pmw/emailfax/silenceofthelambs.asp
  23. http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/51/062.html
  24. http://www.likud.nl/press40.html

Posted on Monkeyfist at http://monkeyfist.com/articles/818

Marc Rodrigues | 21 Jun 21:38 2002

None dare call it 'terrorism'

"Israeli forces opened fire on a market in the West Bank city of Jenin
today, killing at least three people and wounding a number of Palestinians
who mistakenly thought a curfew had been lifted..."

"Two Palestinians were killed by Israel Defense Forces gunfire yesterday...
In Qalqilyah, a pregnant woman, Sahar al-Hindi, was killed after Israeli
forces used heavy fire to enter her neighborhood..."

Marc Rodrigues
*Voicemail/Fax: 866.206.9067 x4217
*Students for a Free Society: http://qcsfs.tripod.com

"We declare our right on this earth to be a human being, to be respected
as a human being, to be given the right of a human being in this society,
on this earth, in this day, which we intend to bring into existence by
any means necessary." -Malcolm X 

Marc Rodrigues | 22 Jun 17:26 2002

Co-opting Solidarity: Privilege in the Palestine Solidarity Movement

Co-opting Solidarity: Privilege in the Palestine Solidarity Movement

By Nicole Solomon


The upsurge of support worldwide for Palestinians facing increasingly
right wing Israeli policy is a crucial piece of movement toward global
solidarity with and among oppressed peoples. It is good and fitting that,
in the face of the Israeli government’s genocidal practices and the strategic
backing of the United States government, the numbers of liberation-minded
people in the U.S. opposing the occupation and other horrendous actions
is growing. The Israeli occupation has become a central issue for activists
in the U.S. It is about time that many who had previously dodged the
issue – especially white progressives and radicals – moved it to the
forefront of their agenda. The Palestinian solidarity movement must grow.
As we grow, we must remain – and hopefully become increasingly – radical.

I write this article as someone committed to all struggles against oppressive
power, as a white queer Jewish anarchist living under the United States’
white supremacy, engaged in anti-racist activism, theory, praxis. My
identity is of immediate relevance in addressing Palestinian solidarity
activism. The identities of all activists involved are, as they inform
the privileges we hold and the vulnerabilities we have in the context
of our activism. The April 20 and 22 demonstrations in Washington D.C.,
landmark events in the global Palestinian solidarity movement, also represent
a turning point in the movement against the occupation. If we don’t act
in principled solidarity, we face the risk of becoming a white co-optation

Many U.S. white goy (non-Jewish) activists have little to no understanding
of the histories of anti-Jewish oppression, anti-Semitism (a term often
used in the U.S. interchangeably with “anti-Jewish,” but actually refers
to all “semites” – Arab as well as Jewish people) or the vulnerabilities
of Arabs, Muslims, South Asians and anyone perceived as such. They may
feel a sincere affinity for Palestinians and rage at the practices of
the Israeli government, but that doesn’t mean they have an understanding
of what solidarity means. Solidarity involves acting accountably with
an understanding of the participants’ locations of power. Not every U.S.
activist involved in Palestinian solidarity efforts is acting in ways
accountable to Palestinians and others involved in the movement. These
activists often occupy privileged locations of identity – whiteness and,
more often than not, WASPiness and class privilege. Such activists may
plan actions supposedly on behalf of Palestinians yet structured around
agendas other than what might actually be useful to Palestinian people.
For example, activists may initiate (or attempt to initiate, the more
common occurrence in April in DC) illegal, potentially high risk activities
that could endanger Muslims, Arabs and South Asians in the area, generally
at a much higher risk than, for example, white goy anarchists. High risk
actions for Palestine are not acceptable when privileged activists organize
them without discussion with Muslim and Arab groups, particularly when
there was no call for such activities from Muslim, Arab and South Asian
groups. Such situations especially occur in contexts where majority white
and goy groups claiming to be pro-Palestinian liberation activists have
little to no relationship or communication with South Asian, Arab and
Muslim communities in general. Many white goy activists autonomously
plan “pro-Palestinian” actions they think sound cool, without any familiarity
with the work already done by Arab, Muslim and South Asian activists
groups or how they could usefully plug in. Such activists act in ways
unaccountable to the people they are supposedly “in solidarity” with.
Non-Palestinians engaging in solidarity work must support Palestinians,
not use the Palestinian solidarity movement as an opportunity to advance
their own (conscious or unconscious) agendas.

A dangerous trend emerging here, which has emerged over and over in radical
movement, is activism as co-optation, not in solidarity. In the 60s and
early 70s the Black Panther Party was exoticized by white U.S. activists
who got pleasure from their “edgy” identification with these “Others.”
Similar dynamics can be seen today with white radicals in the globalization
movement fixing their colonial gaze upon yet another oppressed and “bad-ass”
group. In the context of this history, what warning bells go off when
white U.S. black bloc anarchists “in solidarity” mask up in red and black
kaffiyas, a traditional Palestinian head covering, seemingly oblivious
to the significance of such in Palestinian and broader Muslim and Arab
cultures. This is appropriation of aspects of an oppressed people’s culture
by a privileged class. While there may be times when it is appropriate
for non-Palestinians to wear kaffiyas, direction for how to use cultural
symbols must come from those whose symbols are being used.

Radical theorist bell hooks discusses the pleasure white people may find
in racial transgressions that exploit Otherness in her essay, “Eating
the Other: desire and resistance.” She writes: “The commodification of
Otherness has been so successful because it is offered as a new delight,
more intense, more satisfying than normal ways of doing and feeling ...
Certainly from the standpoint of white supremacist capitalist patriarchy,
the hope is that desires for the ‘primitive’ or fantasies about the Other
can be continuously exploited, and that such exploitation will occur
in a manner that re-inscribes and maintains the status quo.” Underlying
power structures are not challenged when white people fetishize people
of color and seek connection with them because they are desirably exotic.

White U.S. goyim in the Palestinian solidarity movement can often be
seen playing into this dynamic, where the privileged radicals are offered
up a fresh way to assume a position outside of the mainstream. They are
offered ways different from “normal” summit-hopping through which marginalized
peoples and their struggle can act as another gateway to “new” forms
of “edginess.” Within this framework, it is ultimately the white goy
whose desires and pleasures served through the imperial transgression
of the conquest of yet another “outsider” frontier.

The slogan “we are all Palestinian” said in conjunction with the wearing
of kaffiyas, the flying of the Palestinian flag and paired with activities
furthering white goy activists’ own identity and self-image, could be
seen as “eating the other” within activism. Identification with Palestinians
– an “exotic” and demonized group within racist U.S. discourse, one of
the most blatantly and frequently discussed as such in this moment –
is rather edgy. White U.S. anarchists in full black bloc drag who don
kaffiyas – in misappropriated, anarchist-appropriate colors, no less
– manage to simultaneously play off of and into racist constructions
in the U.S. of the scary kaffiya-wearing Arab. It is not the place of
white U.S. anarchists to play around with these visual semiotics when
they are not the ones injured by them. White U.S. anarchists can always
take off the kaffiya and blend back into society as a “real” U.S. citizen,
not a “potential terrorist.” 

It also rather “spices” up bland white U.S. anarchism, kicks your black
bloc up a notch, to fly a Palestinian flag. To what degree does the rebelliousness
of the act, perceived or actual, inform the decision to fly the flag?
Never mind the questions raised by anarchists flying a state flag – in
this case, for a state some are fighting to establish. Not that it is
wrong, but what is the thought process in these instances? Why is it
acceptable now even among anti-statists? U.S. white anarchist flag waving
is not an example of principled solidarity. In some cases it may be yet
another example of white political-symbol consumers trying to absorb
some of that spicy extreme outsider Other-ness. It is necessary to end
these patterns in the interest of building sustainable movement for global
liberation, in which anti-racism must be central.

White goy activists in the U.S. can float through Palestinian solidarity
activism with a casual freedom and comparative ease South Asians, Arabs,
Muslims and Jews – even white Jews – cannot enjoy. As usual, people of
color in general and now Arabs, Muslim and South Asians in particular
are the targets of police repression and media distortion. Counter demonstrators
also invariably target Palestinians and other Muslims, Arabs and South
Asian as the subject of verbal – if not physical – assault of the most
vitriolic racist kind. If the counter demonstrators are Jewish Zionists,
they will also specifically target Jewish demonstrators for verbal –
if not physical – assault. Zionists tend to feel deeply betrayed by pro-Palestine
Jews and act in intensely rageful, at times violent, ways toward them.
White Jews are in a much riskier situation than white goyim when it comes
to Zionists.

Jews opposing Israeli colonialism will continually be attacked not only
for their political position, but for being Jews holding that position.
White goyim need to realize this, as they must realize the particular
targeting of Arabs, Muslims and South Asians, at risk in ways white Jewish
activists are not. Sept. 11 exacerbated an already hateful climate. Muslims,
Arabs and South Asians are even more vulnerable to racist violent crimes,
whether perpetuated by a private citizen or direct agent of the state.
All white activists must also remember that non-Arab and/or Muslim people
of color continue to be targeted by police and other “authorities,” something
sometimes forgotten post 9/11.

All white demonstrators in the U.S. need to keep these things in mind
to be accountable when deciding how to conduct themselves at pro-Palestinian
events. Differences in vulnerability among activists must be understood
so that we can watch each other’s backs at demos, actions and in daily

For instance, anti-Semitic propaganda by the “left” creates an unsafe
environment for Jewish radicals. Where do white goy activists in the
United States, at a distinct racial/ethnic privilege over Jews and with
no understanding of the worldwide historical legacy of anti-Jewish oppression,
get off burning a star of David, a traditional symbol of Judaism and
Jewish people, as occurred on April 22? What does that mean to them?
What does it mean to the media, the cops, their fellow white goy protesters?
Their fellow Arab and Muslim protesters? Their fellow Jewish protesters?

Anti-Semitism can and will be exploited by pro-occupation forces. Anti-Semitic
or anti-Jewish statements play into the hands of Zionists, who rely on
keeping the lines between the state of Israel, current Israeli policy,
Judaism and Zionism as hazy as possible. It is crucial for us to keep
the distinctions between them clear. A statement by Jews Against The
Occupation points out that “Judaism, a cultural and religious identity,
is not the same as Zionism, a political movement. Criticisms of the state
of Israel or the idea of a Jewish state, whether put forth by Jews or
non-Jews, do not constitute anti-Semitism. Equating Judaism and Zionism
serves the Zionist agenda by passing off all criticisms of the Israeli
State as anti-Jewish.” White goyim who attempt to pass off anti-Jewish
statements as merely critiques of Israel also contribute to this dynamic.

To perpetuate a racist image of Palestinians as inherently anti-Jewish,
the media will use white goyish anti-Semitism and anti-Jewish sentiment
within the Palestinian solidarity movement. Palestinians – and other
Muslims, Arabs and South Asians – will be conveniently scapegoated. It
is not only white goyim who express anti-Semitic sentiments, yet theirs
are most often obscured and unchallenged. White Jews, in an unspoken
alliance with the interest of white goyim – and white supremacy – have
often racistly focused on the anti-Semitism of people of color, helping
to create a false understanding of how power operates through racial
hierarchy. At demonstrations white goyim have said, displayed, defended,
not noticed or been unconcerned by anti-Jewish sentiments. You can say
Ariel Sharon is a war criminal without playing off anti-Semitic caricatures
of his Jewish features, or make signs with a Star of David equaling a
Swastika (while the Israeli flag has a star of David on it, this is a
symbol of Judaism in general, not Israel specifically.) At the anti-American
Israel Public Affairs Committee rally in D.C., there was at least one
occurrence of a white, blond haired, blue-eyed apparent goy coming to
the aid of another non-Jewish white demonstrator displaying swastikas
and spewing anti-Jewish rhetoric, when the latter was challenged by other
demonstrators. Said apparent goy told the demonstrators concerned with
anti-Semitism to shut up in the name of the anti-Semite’s “freedom of
speech.” Such actions on the part of white goyim are, in part, the product
of simplistic, paternalistic, binary thinking that does nothing to aid
Palestinians fighting for liberation and an end to the occupation. The
enemy is colonialism, not Jewish people. 

In Barbara Smith’s essay, “Between a rock and a hard place: relationships
between Black and Jewish women,” she discusses both the anti-Semitism
that weaves its way through radical movements and the racism of many
white Jewish radicals. Smith writes this specifically to Black women
within the context of the complex histories of relationships between
Black and Jewish women, but her essay is useful to others engaged in
radical politics where racism and anti-Semitism are present. She writes,
“in the case of racist Jewish people we have something to throw back
at them – anti-Semitism. Righteous as such comebacks may seem, it does
not serve us, as feminists and political people, to ignore or excuse
what is reactionary in ourselves. Our anti-Semitic attitudes are just

U.S. white goy activists who indulge in anti-Jewish and/or anti-Semitic
sentiment are acting out of oppressive racism, even if supposedly, charitably,
“on behalf of” others. The solidarity movement to end the occupation
is of vital importance, and it is crucial that we centralize a radical
anti-oppressive politic. The histories of solidarity movements, and the
often fragile alliances and coalitions that build them, sometimes paint
a grim picture of the ability of dominating power to internally colonize
attempts to build movements of resistance to oppression. The histories
of these failures too often go unrecorded. We must name these dynamics
before and as they occur, for it is the masking of these relationships,
sometimes hidden in the rhetoric of solidarity, that allows them to hijack
and destroy the radical possibilities of our struggles. Through naming
and dismantling these techniques of dominating power, we will overcome
them. We must do this in order to build anti-racist liberatory solidarity
capable of toppling colonial occupations and bringing the possibilities
of a new world to life. 

Special thanks to Dan Berger, Eugene Koveos, Louisa Solomon and Diane
Welch for their help in preparing this article.

Nicole Solomon is a writer and musician in New York City and runs Fringe
Element Records. She can be contacted at ghost_vs_vampire@... or
Fringe Element, PO Box 218, peter stuyvesant station, New York NY 10009.

Marc Rodrigues
*Voicemail/Fax: 866.206.9067 x4217
*Students for a Free Society: http://qcsfs.tripod.com

"We declare our right on this earth to be a human being, to be respected
as a human being, to be given the right of a human being in this society,
on this earth, in this day, which we intend to bring into existence by
any means necessary." -Malcolm X 

TDJ1956 | 23 Jun 17:26 2002

Bush and Pakis

Hey, the paki slip was not intentional on the president's part.  It is not like it is ingrained in his language and thought processes.  Lighten up on George!!  DJ
Kendall Clark | 24 Jun 01:53 2002

Re: Bush and Pakis

On Sun, Jun 23, 2002 at 11:26:20AM -0400, TDJ1956@... wrote:
> Hey, the paki slip was not intentional on the president's part.

How do you know? If he'd apologized for it, that would be some reason
to think it was unintentional.

> It is not 
> like it is ingrained in his language and thought processes.

How do you know?

> Lighten up on George!!  DJ

He's too powerful and too insane for that.

Kendall Clark
No war but the class war!

Kendall Clark | 24 Jun 17:38 2002

Italian Police Framed Protesters

Italian police 'framed G8 protesters'

by Rory Carroll in Rome
Saturday June 22, 2002
The Guardian (UK)

Italian police have been accused of fabricating evidence against
anti-globalisation protesters at last year's G8 summit in Genoa by
planting petrol bombs at their headquarters and falsely accusing them
of stabbing a police officer.

According to a magistrates' investigation, the police improvised lies
to justify a bloodsoaked raid at the Diaz school, which was being used
by protesters as a headquarters. The raid, which left dozens injured
after being kicked, punched and beaten with batons, prompted an
international outcry.

It emerged this week that senior police officers have been placed
under investigation for allegedly making false statements as part of a

At a press conference the day after the July 21 raid the police
presented an array of weapons which they said were seized at the
school and proved the occupants were part of the violent Black Bloc
anarchists who rioted during the summit.

Two petrol bombs were displayed as the most damning evidence and
prosecutors said all 93 occupants, including five Britons, could be
charged with conspiracy to bomb and jailed for five years if found

Genoa magistrates investigating the raid now suspect the Molotov
cocktails had in fact been found by police in the centre of the city,
seven hours before the midnight raid.

Earlier this month Pasquale Guaglione, a deputy police chief, told
investigators that his unit discovered two petrol bombs behind a bush
on Via Corso Italia, the scene of fierce rioting, and passed them on
to a mobile patrol to take back to the police station.

Mr Guaglione said the labels on the wine bottles - a "Merlot" and a
"Colli Piacentini" - were the same as those supposedly seized at the
school. Genoa's police station had no record of receiving the petrol
bombs from the mobile patrol - a unit from Rome which took part in
that night's raid.

A colleague based in Florence has supported Mr Guaglione's testimony
but yesterday a member of the Rome-based unit involved in the raid
told the magistrates that he had seen the petrol bombs at the school.

The national chief of police, Gianni De Gennaro, appeared to endorse
the allegations of fabrication by saying any officer who lied would be
fired. He complained that the entire force should not be discredited
by the behaviour of a few individual officers.

It also emerged this week that investigators no longer believe a
police officer who said a protester tried to stab him in the chest
during the raid on the school - a claim which was used last July to
suggest the occupants were violent and resisted arrest.

The rip in his bullet proof jacket was not consistent with a knife and
the police officer may be charged with false testimony, according to
investigators quoted in Italian media reports. The Rome daily La
Repubblica said a "fragile mountain of lies" against the
anti-globalisation movement was crumbling.

The Group of Eight summit was the international debut of Italy's new
prime minister, Silvio Berlusconi, and police sealed off much of the
city to keep hundreds of thousands of protesters away from delegates
including George Bush of the US, Tony Blair and Vladimir Putin of

Street battles erupted when police baton-charged protesters who had
been infiltrated by the Black Bloc movement of violent anarchists,
leaving Genoa a smoking wreck and a rioter shot dead by police.