MIKE OSSIPOFF | 9 Feb 23:07
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Further comments to Kristofer's MJ posting


Kristofer:

A few more comments to the same posting that I replied to yesterday.
Additional answers to the same statements:

I'd said:

> What about Approval? It's simpler. Simpler to define, implement and > vote. And supplementable by the conditionality options that I've > described, to get rid of the co-operation/defection problem. You replied:

If I'm to use ratings, I would prefer something that doesn't require that I fit my ballot to the polls.

[endquote]

What you want doesn't exist. No nonprobabilistic ballots-only method
is free of need of strategy based on other people's preferences and'
predicted voting.

You continued:

 To do the frontrunner plus strategy in Approval, you have to know who the frontrunners are, and that data itself might be inaccurate due to strategy.
[endquote]

That's something that I sufficiently answered yesterday, pointing
out that "frontrunner-plus" isn't the only non-u/a, non-0-info
Approval strategy. It depends on what you know of have a feel for.

You continued:

In a sense, Approval solves the strategy problem by simply making strategy part of its usual working...By consistently acting like the worst came to pass, you get rid of any temptation to *go* to that worst case, because you're already there.

[endquote]

Other methods are already there too, but their advocates just don't know it.

The complexity of some or most methods allows their proponents to hide from
their strategic facts, and believe what they want to. Approval gets criticized for
its strategy because that strategy is transparently obvious, because Approval doesn't
obfuscate it. Obfuscation by complicated methods allows their proponents to pretend
that they don't share Approval's strategy need, or have a worse one.

You continued:

Aren't your conditional methods ranked methods rather than rated ones?
[endquote]

Sure, if you consider Approval to be a ranked method rather than a rated one.
As I said, I consider that a questionable and blurred distinction.

AOC is conditional Approval. So are MMT and GMAT. MMT, GMAT have built-in, not-optional
conditionality-by-mutuality. AOC can have fully optional conditionality by mutuality &/or
top-count. With AOC, MMT or GMAT, the option of conditionality-by-top-count can be added,
to be offered along with that method's conditionality-by-mutuality, in the same election.

You continued:

The criteria I mentioned aren't applicable to ranked methods because ranked methods can't pass IIA

[endquote]

Approval passes IIA.

I haven't checked AOC, MMT, GMAT, MTAOC, MCAOC AOCBucklin and ACBucklin for IIA compliance.

MJ will soon become Approval. A complicated, elaborately-&-expensively-implemented
Approval.

I realize that you think that few people will strategize, and that
the strategizers won't be numerous enough to make a difference. I'll get to that
later when you make those statements in this posting.

> Your reply regarding MJ seemed basically to be saying that maybe you > won't regret voting sincerely in MJ. That's great if you like "maybe". > > When you say that some will rate sincerely, you're moving the topic to > psychology. And I like the way you guys like to theorize about how people > would vote, while declining to find out what voting is like in the > various proposed methods, via a poll. You continued:

We have the Laraki & Balinski MJ poll. The voters didn't strategize there, though you could of course say that's because they didn't see the implications of the system yet. To take that into account, you'd have to poll the same people many times -- enough that they may sit down and think "you know what, if I do this, I can only benefit...". I'm not sure how you would do that. Perhaps Quinn can do it in his Turk polls.

[endquote]


People tend to want to do what's in their best interest. Experience shows that
voters here will vote strategically, even to the point of drastic favorite-burial,
because they believe it to be strategically in their best interest. More later when
you make your comments about that.


I'd said:

 > But maybe you're right. Maybe in MJ some would rate sincerely and some > would, instead, vote in their best interest. > > Whether that is good or bad depends on whether the suckers are your > co-factionalists or mine. You replied:

In MJ, defectors have no effect unless there are enough of them or they're lucky, since the median is a robust estimator and Approval-strategy basically involves adding outliers to influence the estimator. [endquote]

No one denies that the median is a robust estimator, where outliers' effect
is independent of how far they "outlie".

It amounts to Approval. If you rate someone above where hir median would otherwise
be, then you're raising hir median by the same amount, regardless of how far you rate
hir above that median.

If you rate someone top or bottom, you _reliably_ raise or lower hir median.

If you rate x top and y bottom, then you _reliably_ help x against y.

The more closely you rate two candidates, the less likely you are to be helping
one against the other.

...just as, in RV, the more closely you rate 2 candidates, the less you help one
against the other. The difference is that, with MJ, it's about the probability of
helping one against the other. You don't know if you are at all.

Say my sincere ratings are:

x: 100
y: 90

(other candidates considerably lower)

Your sincere ratings are:

y: 100
x: 90

(other candidates considerably lower)

x and y are similar, but different enough to be supported by
different factions.

This situation is hardly unusual.

My ratings:

x: 100
y: 0

Your ratings:

y: 100
x: 90

Guess which of those two is more likely to win.

To both of us, x and y could be called "favorites". Different people
have different favorites. Therefore, the medians of x and y are likely
to be lower than your ratings of them--They're not as favorite to everyone
as they are to you.

Therefore, you're rating x and y above their otherwise-medians. Therefore
you're raising both of their medians.

You're raising my candidate's median. I'm lowering your candidate's median.

And that situation, as I said, is hardly unusual.

Of course, instead of speaking of just two voters, we should speak of two factions
of equal size. Your faction will be had--will lose due to its sincere rating.

Mike Ossipoff




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Andrew Myers | 9 Feb 23:01
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Favicon
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Poll on favorite voting methods

Someone set up an online poll on CIVS regarding people's favorite voting 
methods. The results are tabulated using Condorcet methods but the 
ballots are available in case you want to analyze them with some other 
method. It permits write-ins, too.

To vote or to see the results, go to:

http://www.cs.cornell.edu/w8/~andru/cgi-perl/civs/vote.pl?id=E_796e3353eb67365c

Cheers,

-- Andrew
Attachment (andru.vcf): text/x-vcard, 277 bytes
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David L Wetzell | 9 Feb 05:18
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Re, take 2: NYT/Richie voting reform "debate" next Sunday; write in.

I'm sorry I didn't read JQs note in full.


I hope you'll listen to him.  
But I still believe that PR needs to be pushed harder than Rob Richie puts it in his editorial so I'll be crafting a letter that focuses on this and I hope to get some feedback from you all on it.

dlw

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  2. NYT/Richie voting reform "debate" next Sunday; write in.
     (Jameson Quinn)


---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: David L Wetzell <wetzelld <at> gmail.com>
To: election-methods <at> lists.electorama.com
Cc: 
Date: Wed, 8 Feb 2012 19:49:36 -0600
Subject: Re: [EM] Election-Methods Digest, Vol 92, Issue 55

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Kevin Venzke <stepjak <at> yahoo.fr>
To: election-methods <election-methods <at> electorama.com>
Cc: 
Date: Wed, 8 Feb 2012 22:37:56 +0000 (GMT)
Subject: Re: [EM] Kevin V
Hi David,
 

De : David L Wetzell <wetzelld <at> gmail.com>
À : stepjak <at> yahoo.fr; EM <election-methods <at> lists.electorama.com>
Envoyé le : Mardi 7 février 2012 16h17
Objet : Re: Kevin V

dlw: I argue that the strength of the US presidency and regular presidential elections has the effect of building up our two-party system.  
This is why I take as a given that there tend to be 2 bigger major parties and not as many serious candidates in "single-winner elections".  This in turn tends to 
reduce the import of the diffs among the wide variety of single-winner elections.  
 
I think it works like this:
President isn't responsible to or chosen by Congress ->
There is not that much prize for having a majority of a house ->
Weak party discipline (because of less focus on party: a candidate can get reelected even if his peers are unhappy) ->
If you are a viable candidate, there is no need for you to carve out a new party. There is only room for two contenders per
race (under FPP), and there are two parties that will take you as long as you can win for them.

dlw: Aye, but the prez election itself and its potential for coat-tails and the reward from capturing one or both of the US legislatures
does build up the parties who can afford to run a serious prez election race.  I think some of the weak party discipline is also due to the restrictions on donations to parties in the 1974 FEC act.
Our system wd function better if there was more intra-party discipline and the donations flowed thru the relatively transparent venue of the party.
 
Personally I prefer weak party discipline. I like candidates to have independence, with the decision-making power
less concentrated. And I'm suspicious of what party policies designed at the national level would look like.

dlw: Well, intra-party discipline is needed one way or the other to get things done.  Our system right now is characterized as full of political entrepreneurship, which makes bills a lot more complicated than they need to be and things take longer and too much of politicians' time gets spent fund-raising... 
 
 
KV: I think we could have three "parties" (if not a much greater variety of viewpoints) with the right method. I wouldn't care
if they are actually parties or just a higher number of real choices, on average, in a race.

dlw:Would it make a diff if our two major parties became two different major parties, bridging the gap between the de facto center and the true center?
If American forms of PR were adopted so that there'd still be 2 major parties per area, they wouldn't be the same 2 parties for all regions, which would then enable minor parties 
to contest the duopoly.  And if this got complemented by a host of LTPs(with coalitions)  that specialized in contesting "more local" elections and voting strategically together in "less local" elections, 
along with other acts that hold elected officials accountable to their promises then we'd have better quality choices, even if the quantity is less than we'd prefer.
 
Yes, I think it would be useful if we could increase the incentive to stand at the median, even if two "parties" maintained
their grip on things.
 
I don't find PR very interesting personally. It can be its own goal, but it doesn't seem useful for the things I'm concerned
about.

dlw: For more local electyions that are rarely competitive, it's the only way to make them not DINOs.  We used quasi-proportional elections for IL from 1870-1980 and it kept either major party from dominating the state's politics, so other states that are/were economically dependent on IL could afford to be more politically independent than if one party had been able to leverage their domination of IL's politics...  It's a neglected part of our history!!!

dlw
 
Kevin


---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Kevin Venzke <stepjak <at> yahoo.fr>
To: election-methods <election-methods <at> electorama.com>
Cc: 
Date: Wed, 8 Feb 2012 22:53:34 +0000 (GMT)
Subject: Re: [EM] [CES #4445] Re: Looking at Condorcet
Hi Robert,
 
I would +1 to Bryan Mills' post.
 
>in the two-candidate case, you would have to assume unequal treatment for voters
 
Yes, utility inherently does this. It's trying to maximize "happiness" which is a different ideal from giving
everyone equal weight (e.g. even people who don't have a strong opinion).
 
>but when Clay says that Score or Approval is better at picking the Condorcet winner than is a
>Condorcet-compliant method, *that* is no tautology is obviously controversial, since it says that there is
>a number closer to 3 than the number 3 itself.
 
What Clay means is that score/Approval are better at picking the *sincere* Condorcet winner. Yes, that's
obviously controversial. It could be true if it so happens that nobody wants to vote truthfully under
Condorcet methods, while Approval in practice never has any bad outcomes, etc.
 
>if it isn't 0 (for when you don't get who you voted for) and 1 (for when your candidate is elected), then
>some voter is diluting their utilities and i think it's pretty useless and in bad taste to ask voters to do that
>explicitly with a Score ballot.
 
"Utilities" refers to what voters actually "feel," not what they are putting on the ballot.
 
Kevin
 

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---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Jameson Quinn <jameson.quinn <at> gmail.com>
To: EM <election-methods <at> lists.electorama.com>, electionsciencefoundation <electionscience <at> googlegroups.com>
Cc: 
Date: Wed, 8 Feb 2012 20:18:52 -0600
Subject: [EM] NYT/Richie voting reform "debate" next Sunday; write in.

Invitation to a Dialogue: A Better Way to Elect?

Published: February 7, 2012

To the Editor:

Hieronymus

Every four years a handful of the same old states effectively pick party nominees for president, voting earlier and earlier with campaign spending mattering more and more.

The parties should winnow their field with what is known as the American Plan, a nomination schedule that rewards retail campaigning and gives late-entering candidates a better chance. Ten biweekly rounds of voting would be held, starting in small states. Delegates would beallocated proportionally rather than by winner take all.

Up to three candidates for each party would earn a place in a national primary, held in June in conjunction with Congressional primaries.

Ranked-choice voting — a proven system used in national elections in Australia and mayoral elections in a dozen American cities, in which voters rank candidates in order of preference — would ensure that winners earn majority support in an “instant runoff.”

For general elections, the nominees of major parties should face more competition from third-party and independent candidates by having fairer ballot access, inclusive debates, ranked-choice voting and, eventually, a national popular vote for president.

For Congressional elections, creating larger districts with several seats and a proportional voting system to allow more voters to elect a preferred candidate would better represent the left, the right and the center.

With these changes, all Americans could be engaged in our presidential elections, not just the favored few of Iowa, New Hampshire and the other early primary and caucus states. And we just might regularly end up with better presidents and members of Congress.

ROB RICHIE
Takoma Park, Md., Feb. 6, 2012

The writer is executive director of FairVote, which promotes election reform.

Editors’ Note: We invite readers to respond to this letter for our Sunday Dialogue. We plan to publish responses and Mr. Richie’s rejoinder in the Sunday Review. E-mail:letters <at> nytimes.com


---------------

Jameson here... I think we should definitely take this opportunity to promote reform in general. I'd advise a "yes, and" approach to Richie. As I see it, it is definitely not worth trying to talk about the flaws in IRV. Richie will get his rejoinder; it's impossible to pre-rebut all of the various half-truths or worse that he could come up with, so it's better not to try. Also, remember, we want the average reader to go away thinking that all the experts agree that election reform is a great idea, not feeling that it's a minefield of debate. So say your piece, but be nice to Richie, no matter what you think he deserves.

Personally, I'd love it if the Center for Election Science could have an official response. Similarly for all the people with credentials - votefair, etc.

A similar idea: statement signers, do you think we could agree on a response in time to get published on Sunday?

Jameson


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Jameson Quinn | 9 Feb 03:18
Picon

NYT/Richie voting reform "debate" next Sunday; write in.

Invitation to a Dialogue: A Better Way to Elect?

To the Editor:

Hieronymus

Every four years a handful of the same old states effectively pick party nominees for president, voting earlier and earlier with campaign spending mattering more and more.

The parties should winnow their field with what is known as the American Plan, a nomination schedule that rewards retail campaigning and gives late-entering candidates a better chance. Ten biweekly rounds of voting would be held, starting in small states. Delegates would beallocated proportionally rather than by winner take all.

Up to three candidates for each party would earn a place in a national primary, held in June in conjunction with Congressional primaries.

Ranked-choice voting — a proven system used in national elections in Australia and mayoral elections in a dozen American cities, in which voters rank candidates in order of preference — would ensure that winners earn majority support in an “instant runoff.”

For general elections, the nominees of major parties should face more competition from third-party and independent candidates by having fairer ballot access, inclusive debates, ranked-choice voting and, eventually, a national popular vote for president.

For Congressional elections, creating larger districts with several seats and a proportional voting system to allow more voters to elect a preferred candidate would better represent the left, the right and the center.

With these changes, all Americans could be engaged in our presidential elections, not just the favored few of Iowa, New Hampshire and the other early primary and caucus states. And we just might regularly end up with better presidents and members of Congress.

ROB RICHIE
Takoma Park, Md., Feb. 6, 2012

The writer is executive director of FairVote, which promotes election reform.

Editors’ Note: We invite readers to respond to this letter for our Sunday Dialogue. We plan to publish responses and Mr. Richie’s rejoinder in the Sunday Review. E-mail:letters <at> nytimes.com


---------------

Jameson here... I think we should definitely take this opportunity to promote reform in general. I'd advise a "yes, and" approach to Richie. As I see it, it is definitely not worth trying to talk about the flaws in IRV. Richie will get his rejoinder; it's impossible to pre-rebut all of the various half-truths or worse that he could come up with, so it's better not to try. Also, remember, we want the average reader to go away thinking that all the experts agree that election reform is a great idea, not feeling that it's a minefield of debate. So say your piece, but be nice to Richie, no matter what you think he deserves.

Personally, I'd love it if the Center for Election Science could have an official response. Similarly for all the people with credentials - votefair, etc.

A similar idea: statement signers, do you think we could agree on a response in time to get published on Sunday?

Jameson

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David L Wetzell | 9 Feb 02:49
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Re: Election-Methods Digest, Vol 92, Issue 55


---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Kevin Venzke <stepjak <at> yahoo.fr>
To: election-methods <election-methods <at> electorama.com>
Cc: 
Date: Wed, 8 Feb 2012 22:37:56 +0000 (GMT)
Subject: Re: [EM] Kevin V
Hi David,
 

De : David L Wetzell <wetzelld <at> gmail.com>
À : stepjak <at> yahoo.fr; EM <election-methods <at> lists.electorama.com>
Envoyé le : Mardi 7 février 2012 16h17
Objet : Re: Kevin V

dlw: I argue that the strength of the US presidency and regular presidential elections has the effect of building up our two-party system.  
This is why I take as a given that there tend to be 2 bigger major parties and not as many serious candidates in "single-winner elections".  This in turn tends to 
reduce the import of the diffs among the wide variety of single-winner elections.  
 
I think it works like this:
President isn't responsible to or chosen by Congress ->
There is not that much prize for having a majority of a house ->
Weak party discipline (because of less focus on party: a candidate can get reelected even if his peers are unhappy) ->
If you are a viable candidate, there is no need for you to carve out a new party. There is only room for two contenders per
race (under FPP), and there are two parties that will take you as long as you can win for them.

dlw: Aye, but the prez election itself and its potential for coat-tails and the reward from capturing one or both of the US legislatures
does build up the parties who can afford to run a serious prez election race.  I think some of the weak party discipline is also due to the restrictions on donations to parties in the 1974 FEC act.
Our system wd function better if there was more intra-party discipline and the donations flowed thru the relatively transparent venue of the party.
 
Personally I prefer weak party discipline. I like candidates to have independence, with the decision-making power
less concentrated. And I'm suspicious of what party policies designed at the national level would look like.

dlw: Well, intra-party discipline is needed one way or the other to get things done.  Our system right now is characterized as full of political entrepreneurship, which makes bills a lot more complicated than they need to be and things take longer and too much of politicians' time gets spent fund-raising... 
 
 
KV: I think we could have three "parties" (if not a much greater variety of viewpoints) with the right method. I wouldn't care
if they are actually parties or just a higher number of real choices, on average, in a race.

dlw:Would it make a diff if our two major parties became two different major parties, bridging the gap between the de facto center and the true center?
If American forms of PR were adopted so that there'd still be 2 major parties per area, they wouldn't be the same 2 parties for all regions, which would then enable minor parties 
to contest the duopoly.  And if this got complemented by a host of LTPs(with coalitions)  that specialized in contesting "more local" elections and voting strategically together in "less local" elections, 
along with other acts that hold elected officials accountable to their promises then we'd have better quality choices, even if the quantity is less than we'd prefer.
 
Yes, I think it would be useful if we could increase the incentive to stand at the median, even if two "parties" maintained
their grip on things.
 
I don't find PR very interesting personally. It can be its own goal, but it doesn't seem useful for the things I'm concerned
about.

dlw: For more local electyions that are rarely competitive, it's the only way to make them not DINOs.  We used quasi-proportional elections for IL from 1870-1980 and it kept either major party from dominating the state's politics, so other states that are/were economically dependent on IL could afford to be more politically independent than if one party had been able to leverage their domination of IL's politics...  It's a neglected part of our history!!!

dlw
 
Kevin


---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Kevin Venzke <stepjak <at> yahoo.fr>
To: election-methods <election-methods <at> electorama.com>
Cc: 
Date: Wed, 8 Feb 2012 22:53:34 +0000 (GMT)
Subject: Re: [EM] [CES #4445] Re: Looking at Condorcet
Hi Robert,
 
I would +1 to Bryan Mills' post.
 
>in the two-candidate case, you would have to assume unequal treatment for voters
 
Yes, utility inherently does this. It's trying to maximize "happiness" which is a different ideal from giving
everyone equal weight (e.g. even people who don't have a strong opinion).
 
>but when Clay says that Score or Approval is better at picking the Condorcet winner than is a
>Condorcet-compliant method, *that* is no tautology is obviously controversial, since it says that there is
>a number closer to 3 than the number 3 itself.
 
What Clay means is that score/Approval are better at picking the *sincere* Condorcet winner. Yes, that's
obviously controversial. It could be true if it so happens that nobody wants to vote truthfully under
Condorcet methods, while Approval in practice never has any bad outcomes, etc.
 
>if it isn't 0 (for when you don't get who you voted for) and 1 (for when your candidate is elected), then
>some voter is diluting their utilities and i think it's pretty useless and in bad taste to ask voters to do that
>explicitly with a Score ballot.
 
"Utilities" refers to what voters actually "feel," not what they are putting on the ballot.
 
Kevin
 

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MIKE OSSIPOFF | 8 Feb 23:19
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MJ, Kristofer

Kristofer:

MJ's defenders like to say that it takes a huge majority of strategizers to affect the election. Often repeated, never verified.

In my 1st posting about MJ, I showed how one strategizer could defeat one sincere voter.  ...Or a strategizing faction can defeat
an equal-size sincere faction.

And if the election is at all close, even fewer strategizers could defeat sincere voters.

You said or implied that you wouldn't like Approval because, with it, you'd have to use the "frontrunners plus" strategy.

No one has to say "Who are the frontrunners?"

Surely you've heard here that there are many Approval strategies. Which one you use depends on what your information is.

We discussed them perhaps a month or so ago, at EM.

If it's a u/a election, then just approve all the acceptables and none of the unacceptables.

We discussed many non-u/a Approval strategies, too many to describe again in this reply.

If it's non-u/a, and you have no information, then just vote for all of the above-mean candidates.

Tell me what kind of information you have, and I'll suggest an Approval strategy.

You seem to think that with MJ you have no need for information, for voting optimally. Sincere ratings isn't optimal, in MJ
or RV.

Yes you could get away with it.

People often think that their method is better than Approval, and that supposed improvement over Approval is illusory.

In Laraki's & Balinski's poll, what were people voting on?

Maybe they didn't strategize because they were instructed to rate the candidates according to perceived merit. Having agreed
to do that, strategic voting would be dishonest, and would be perceived as violating the conditions of the experiment, spoiling the
experiment.

I make no promise to try to rate sincerely in an RV or MJ election.

Somewhere in your post you asked if the conditional methods were ranking methods rather than rating methods.

Yes, if you regard 3-slot methods as ranking methods too.

We speak of top, middle, and bottom ratings in 3-slot methods, but no one has to assign utility-numbers to candidates, and
so, for that reason, you might want to call the 3-slot methods ranking methods.

So yes, in that case, all of the conditional methods are ranking methods rather than rating methods, because no one
has to try to assign merit-proportional ratings to candidates.

But you know, the distinction between ratings and rankings blurs. With 3 rank positions, shall we call them 1st, 2nd and 3rd ranks, or shall we call
them A, B and C ratings?








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David L Wetzell | 8 Feb 15:18
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Utilitarianism and Perfectionism.

I'm sure you're aware that the Anglo-American Analytical philosophical perspective of Utilitarianism is not highly esteemed among philosophers.


One reason is that the presumption of Cardinal Utility implicit with Bayesian Regret analyses is a strong one.  
Let's say we treat voter utilities as Ordinal instead.  In that case, one can perform any monotonically positive transformation on the utilities and 
it would keep the relative rankings of all of the candidates.  
Let's say Xij is a voter i's utility for candidate j on a continuous scale of 0-10.  
Then, let's say ci is some randomly generated value from 0-infinity, perhaps from a log-normal distribution.

We could then transform Xij into Yij by having Yij=Xij^ci * 10^(1-ci).  

If one proceeds to determine votes based on Yij, but evaluate the votes based on Xij

then by construction approval or range voting would not perform as well, but those election rules based only on rankings would perform the same as before.  

So it seems to me that the choice between rank-based and approval/range/mj election rules depends on whether voter utility for candidates is better understood as ordinal or cardinal, 

or perhaps it's a mix of both plus a haze from the plethora of misinformation and manipulations of their fears....

At any rate, this is why I've argued that ascertaining the best single-winner election rule is nowhere near as important as pitching the importance of mixing the use of single-winner and multi-winner election rules, with the latter replacing the former more so in "more local" elections that are not competitive often in single-winner elections.  
dlw

On Tue, Feb 7, 2012 at 11:52 PM, <election-methods-request <at> lists.electorama.com> wrote:
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Today's Topics:

  1. Re: [CES #4445] Re: Looking at Condorcet (Juho Laatu)
  2. Re: Kristofer: MJ & RV (Jameson Quinn)
  3. Re: [CES #4445] Re: Looking at Condorcet (robert bristow-johnson)
  4. Re: [CES #4445] Re: Looking at Condorcet (robert bristow-johnson)


---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Juho Laatu <juho4880 <at> yahoo.co.uk>
To: EM list <election-methods <at> lists.electorama.com>
Cc: 
Date: Wed, 8 Feb 2012 01:30:33 +0200
Subject: Re: [EM] [CES #4445] Re: Looking at Condorcet
On 7.2.2012, at 5.31, robert bristow-johnson wrote:

> how can Clay build a proof where he claims that "it's a proven mathematical fact that the Condorcet winner is not necessarily the option whom the electorate prefers"?  if he is making a utilitarian argument, he needs to define how the individual metrics of utility are define and that's just guessing.

Yes, I think Clay assumes that we know how the "aggergate utility" of a society is to be counted. There could be many opinions on how to define "aggregate utility" or "electorate preference", and also opinions that it can not be defined.

It is actually not necessary to talk about those general concepts. It is enough to agree what the targets of the election are. Maybe Clay should tell explicitly that in this particular election that he considers the maximal sum of individual (sincere or given strategic) utilities to be the target. And then he could continue to say that Condorcet is not designed to meet this target. Condorcet may however perform quite well as a method that approxmates that target in a highly competitive environment.

For some other election the target could be to let the majority decide, or to maximize the worst outcome to any individual voter. Clay's target (corrected to refer to the sum of preferences based target of the election, not to the ambiguous electorate preference) may thus be valid for some elections but not all. (Also Range could be used to approximate majority decisions or Condorcet criterion, but only approximate.)

> now, with the simple two-candidate or two-choice election that is (remember all those conditions i attached?) Governmental with reasonably high stakes, Competitive, and  Equality of franchise, you *do* have a reasonable assumption of what the individual metric of utility is for a voter.  if the candidate that some voter supports is elected, the utility to that voter is 1.  if the other candidate is elected, the utility to that voter is 0.  (it could be any two numbers as long as the utility of electing my candidate exceeds the utility of not electing who i voted for.  it's a linear and monotonic mapping that changes nothing.)  all voters have equal franchise, which means that the utility of each voter has equal weight in combining into an overall utility for the electorate.  that simply means that the maximum utility is obtained by electing the candidate who had the most votes which, because there are only two candidates, is also the majority candidate.

I wouldn't say that "the maximum utility is obtained" because that is a too much general utility oriented term. I'd say that "the maximum utility to the society, as agreed, is obtained". Or maybe "the most reasonable practical result is obtained" (based on the conditions that you gave). I thus want to see also your conditions as one possible agreed way to define the (in this case maybe only sensible) targets for the election.

> if Clay or any others are disputing that electing the majority candidate (as opposed to electing the minority candidate) does not maximize the utility, can you please spell out the model and the assumptions you are making to get to your conclusion?

I think he made his assumptions / definition of the general utility of the society and then assumed that this can be set as an universal target also for all single-winner elections. I wouldn't generalize that approach that much. For example majority oriented elections are a common practice in most societies. So we have at least two fundamentally different approaches to defining the targets of an election. For competitive environments I find your approach to be a very sensible approach. You can either assume that majority rule is what you want, or that majority rule is what you must satisfy with in a competitive environment.

Juho






---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Jameson Quinn <jameson.quinn <at> gmail.com>
To: MIKE OSSIPOFF <nkklrp <at> hotmail.com>
Cc: election-methods <at> electorama.com
Date: Tue, 7 Feb 2012 17:19:56 -0600
Subject: Re: [EM] Kristofer: MJ & RV


2012/2/7 MIKE OSSIPOFF <nkklrp <at> hotmail.com>
Kristofer:

You say that MJ and RV are the methods to propose because they're the ones that meet the two criteria you defined.

Have you demonstrated that they're the only ones?

What about Approval? It's simpler. Simpler to define, implement and vote. And supplementable by the conditionality options that I've
described, to get rid of the co-operation/defection problem.

Your reply regarding MJ seemed basically to be saying that maybe you won't regret voting sincerely in MJ. That's great if you like "maybe".

When you say that some will rate sincerely, you're moving the topic to psychology. And I like the way you guys like to theorize about how people
would vote, while declining to find out what voting is like in the various proposed methods, via a poll.

I am engaged in exactly this research through mturk. I will let the list know when I have worthwhile results.
 

But maybe you're right. Maybe in MJ some would rate sincerely and some would, instead, voting in their best interest.

Whether that is good or bad depends on whether the suckers are your co-factionalists or mine.

In the chicken dilemma, "suckers" tend to be good for the society as a whole. 

Jameson


Mike Ossipoff

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---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: robert bristow-johnson <rbj <at> audioimagination.com>
To: election-methods <at> lists.electorama.com
Cc: 
Date: Wed, 08 Feb 2012 00:33:13 -0500
Subject: Re: [EM] [CES #4445] Re: Looking at Condorcet
On 2/7/12 6:30 PM, Juho Laatu wrote:
On 7.2.2012, at 5.31, robert bristow-johnson wrote:

how can Clay build a proof where he claims that "it's a proven mathematical fact that the Condorcet winner is not necessarily the option whom the electorate prefers"?  if he is making a utilitarian argument, he needs to define how the individual metrics of utility are define and that's just guessing.
Yes, I think Clay assumes that we know how the "aggregate utility" of a society is to be counted. There could be many opinions on how to define "aggregate utility" or "electorate preference", and also opinions that it can not be defined.

It is actually not necessary to talk about those general concepts. It is enough to agree what the targets of the election are. Maybe Clay should tell explicitly that in this particular election that he considers the maximal sum of individual (sincere or given strategic) utilities to be the target.

so he's seeking to maximize a measure of utility that is the sum of individual utilities and, again, i see no mathematical expression of the individual utility to sum up.  how does Clay maximize this sum of undefined quantities?

as best as i can tell, we only know what this quantity of individual utility is for a simple two-choice election.  assuming all of the voters are of equal weight, if the candidate some voter has voted for is subsequently elected, the utility to that voter is 1.  if the other candidate is elected, the utility to that same voter is 0.

but when there is a multi-candidate race, this is much more poorly defined.  say there are 3 candidates, if the candidate that some voter votes for is elected, the measure of utility (to that voter) is 1.  if the candidate that this voter ranked last is elected, the utility to that voter is 0.  but what about that voter's 2nd choice?  it depends who it is and who it is to the voter.  if we were to always assume that the utility is 1/2, then it seems like the kind of assumption Borda makes.  but the voter's 1st and 2nd choice could be very close to each other, or the 2nd choice could be a piece of crap just a little better than the last choice.  we don't know.  so how do you put together an argument that "it's a proven mathematical fact that the Condorcet winner is not necessarily the option whom the electorate prefers" when you just don't know whom the electorate prefers because you don't know the utility metrics for each voter?

if you answer, "we ask the voters what the utility measure is with a Score ballot", then my response is: "how do you know that this is accurate?  that the voter even knows or that the voter isn't lying on his ballot to try to bury his 2nd choice or to compromise and forsake his favorite candidate?"  there are so many assumptions made here, it's like we're pulling numbers out of our butts.

hardly constitutes anything approximating "a proven mathematical fact".


 And then he could continue to say that Condorcet is not designed to meet this target.

how does he know when this target is not even operationally defined.

 Condorcet may however perform quite well as a method that approxmates that target in a highly competitive environment.

For some other election the target could be to let the majority decide, or to maximize the worst outcome to any individual voter. Clay's target (corrected to refer to the sum of preferences based target of the election, not to the ambiguous electorate preference) may thus be valid for some elections but not all. (Also Range could be used to approximate majority decisions or Condorcet criterion, but only approximate.)

now, with the simple two-candidate or two-choice election that is (remember all those conditions i attached?) Governmental with reasonably high stakes, Competitive, and  Equality of franchise, you *do* have a reasonable assumption of what the individual metric of utility is for a voter.  if the candidate that some voter supports is elected, the utility to that voter is 1.  if the other candidate is elected, the utility to that voter is 0.  (it could be any two numbers as long as the utility of electing my candidate exceeds the utility of not electing who i voted for.  it's a linear and monotonic mapping that changes nothing.)  all voters have equal franchise, which means that the utility of each voter has equal weight in combining into an overall utility for the electorate.  that simply means that the maximum utility is obtained by electing the candidate who had the most votes which, because there are only two candidates, is also the majority candidate.
I wouldn't say that "the maximum utility is obtained" because that is a too much general utility oriented term. I'd say that "the maximum utility to the society, as agreed, is obtained". Or maybe "the most reasonable practical result is obtained" (based on the conditions that you gave). I thus want to see also your conditions as one possible agreed way to define the (in this case maybe only sensible) targets for the election.

what other conditions could be agreed on?  Two-candidate is a given, High stakes and Competitive are pretty hard to agree to change, they are just there.  if you want to consider a variance to Equal franchise, then whose ballots are going to be attenuated?  will you be able to get those voters to agree to have their ballots each count less than your ballot?

this is soooo fundamental.  all i want to do is get people to agree that when there are only two choices, that the candidate with the most votes wins, which is simple enough.  if you *don't* agree with this, what are the conditions you are envisioning for when election to office is awarded to the candidate with the fewest votes?  sometimes when considering a simplified case like this, you have to ask yourself about the contra-indication.  either you award the election to the candidate with the greater number of voters or you award the election to the candidate with the fewer number of votes.  i am astonished that anyone can see this in any more nuanced manner.  how would you *ever* award election to the less-supported candidate?

if Clay or any others are disputing that electing the majority candidate (as opposed to electing the minority candidate) does not maximize the utility, can you please spell out the model and the assumptions you are making to get to your conclusion?
I think he made his assumptions / definition of the general utility of the society

and what are they?   general utility of the society is equal to the sum of the individual utilities, so how are the individual utilities defined?  i don't see an answer there and i don't see how there *can* be an answer without making a lot of assumptions.  and then if you do that, i don't see much confidence in the answer arrived at.

 and then assumed that this can be set as an universal target also for all single-winner elections. I wouldn't generalize that approach that much. For example majority oriented elections are a common practice in most societies. So we have at least two fundamentally different approaches to defining the targets of an election. For competitive environments I find your approach to be a very sensible approach. You can either assume that majority rule is what you want, or that majority rule is what you must satisfy with in a competitive environment.

if it's not the majority that rule, what's the alternative?

once we can settle this simple issue, i'll move on to "why Condorcet".

--

r b-j                  rbj <at> audioimagination.com

"Imagination is more important than knowledge."







---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: robert bristow-johnson <rbj <at> audioimagination.com>
To: election-methods <at> lists.electorama.com
Cc: 
Date: Wed, 08 Feb 2012 00:51:55 -0500
Subject: Re: [EM] [CES #4445] Re: Looking at Condorcet
On 2/7/12 2:07 PM, Kevin Venzke wrote:
Hi Robert,
I think that the basic claim of "Condorcet doesn't necessarily pick the option whom the elecotorate prefers" (in terms of
total utility) won't be too controversial. Any kind of model usually assumes internal utilities (such as based on distances in
issue space) because we need these to figure out how voters prioritize. One could try to assume that some set of
internal utilities might have some absolute, aggregable value. In that case it is really easy to produce a scenario where the
majority favorite isn't the utility winner.

in the two-candidate case, you would have to assume unequal treatment for voters.  if all voters' votes have equal weight, you must accept that the majority candidate is also the choice maximum general utility to the society that the voters come from.

All you need is one case and you get Clay's "not necessarily."

sure, but attaching "not necessarily" to "proven mathematical fact" is a pretty meaningless semantic.  the proven mathematical fact says essentially nothing.  like a tautology.

but when Clay says that Score or Approval is better at picking the Condorcet winner than is a Condorcet-compliant method, *that* is no tautology is obviously controversial, since it says that there is a number closer to 3 than the number 3 itself.

You ask how we can decide, then, not to elect voted majority favorites. Assuming voters are strategic I don't know of a good answer to this.
You suggest a model where there are only two candidates and the voter-for-candidate utilities are all either 0 or 1.

if it isn't 0 (for when you don't get who you voted for) and 1 (for when your candidate is elected), then some voter is diluting their utilities and i think it's pretty useless and in bad taste to ask voters to do that explicitly with a Score ballot.

If that's an accurate model then Clay's claim doesn't work. But with virtually any other model it will be true sometimes
that the voted majority favorite isn't the utility maximizer.

well, once we get three or more candidates, it's a question as to whom either the "majority favorite" is or who is the "utility maximizer."

Condorcet doesn't go there.  Condorcet makes no other assumptions other than the "simple majority" and "one person, one vote" (which are what we already base two-choice elections on) when any two candidates are paired up.  and then Condorcet imposes logical consistency:  If Candidate A is the best choice for office, then Candidate A must be a better choice than Candidate B.  And Candidate A must be a better choice than Candidate C. etc.

--

r b-j                  rbj <at> audioimagination.com

"Imagination is more important than knowledge."





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David L Wetzell | 7 Feb 23:17
Picon

Re: Kevin V

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Kevin Venzke <>
To: em <election-methods <at> electorama.com>
Cc: 
Date: Tue, 7 Feb 2012 20:01:39 +0000 (GMT)
Subject: Re: [EM] Re Raph Frank wrt 3-seat LR Hare and RV for US Senators by proxy.
Hi,
 

 
De : David L Wetzell <wetzelld <at> gmail.com>
À : Raph Frank <raphfrk <at> gmail.com>; EM <election-methods <at> lists.electorama.com
Envoyé le : Mardi 7 février 2012 13h20
Objet : Re: [EM] Re Raph Frank wrt 3-seat LR Hare and RV for US Senators by proxy.

dlw: I argue that the strength of the US presidency and regular presidential elections has the effect of building up our two-party system.  
This is why I take as a given that there tend to be 2 bigger major parties and not as many serious candidates in "single-winner elections".  This in turn tends to 
reduce the import of the diffs among the wide variety of single-winner elections.  
 
I think it works like this:
President isn't responsible to or chosen by Congress ->
There is not that much prize for having a majority of a house ->
Weak party discipline (because of less focus on party: a candidate can get reelected even if his peers are unhappy) ->
If you are a viable candidate, there is no need for you to carve out a new party. There is only room for two contenders per
race (under FPP), and there are two parties that will take you as long as you can win for them.

dlw: Aye, but the prez election itself and its potential for coat-tails and the reward from capturing one or both of the US legislatures
does build up the parties who can afford to run a serious prez election race.  I think some of the weak party discipline is also due to the restrictions on donations to parties in the 1974 FEC act.
Our system wd function better if there was more intra-party discipline and the donations flowed thru the relatively transparent venue of the party.  
 
KV: I think we could have three "parties" (if not a much greater variety of viewpoints) with the right method. I wouldn't care
if they are actually parties or just a higher number of real choices, on average, in a race.

dlw:Would it make a diff if our two major parties became two different major parties, bridging the gap between the de facto center and the true center?
If American forms of PR were adopted so that there'd still be 2 major parties per area, they wouldn't be the same 2 parties for all regions, which would then enable minor parties 
to contest the duopoly.  And if this got complemented by a host of LTPs(with coalitions)  that specialized in contesting "more local" elections and voting strategically together in "less local" elections, 
along with other acts that hold elected officials accountable to their promises then we'd have better quality choices, even if the quantity is less than we'd prefer.

dlw
 
Kevin

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MIKE OSSIPOFF | 7 Feb 23:17
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Kristofer: MJ & RV

Kristofer:

You say that MJ and RV are the methods to propose because they're the ones that meet the two criteria you defined.

Have you demonstrated that they're the only ones?

What about Approval? It's simpler. Simpler to define, implement and vote. And supplementable by the conditionality options that I've
described, to get rid of the co-operation/defection problem.

Your reply regarding MJ seemed basically to be saying that maybe you won't regret voting sincerely in MJ. That's great if you like "maybe".

When you say that some will rate sincerely, you're moving the topic to psychology. And I like the way you guys like to theorize about how people
would vote, while declining to find out what voting is like in the various proposed methods, via a poll.

But maybe you're right. Maybe in MJ some would rate sincerely and some would, instead, voting in their best interest.

Whether that is good or bad depends on whether the suckers are your co-factionalists or mine.

Mike Ossipoff
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MIKE OSSIPOFF | 7 Feb 23:16
Picon

Kristofer: MJ & RV

Kristofer:

You say that MJ and RV are the methods to propose because they're the ones that meet the two criteria you defined.

Have you demonstrated that they're the only ones?

What about Approval? It's simpler. Simpler to define, implement and vote. And supplementable by the conditionality options that I've
described, to get rid of the co-operation/defection problem.

Your reply regarding MJ seemed basically to be saying that maybe you won't regret voting sincerely in MJ. That's great if you like "maybe".

When you say that some will rate sincerely, you're moving the topic to psychology. And I like the way you guys like to theorize about how people
would vote, while declining to find out what voting is like in the various proposed methods, via a poll.

But maybe you're right. Maybe in MJ some would rate sincerely and some would, instead, voting in their best interest.

Whether that is good or bad depends on whether the suckers are your co-factionalists or mine.

Mike Ossipoff
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MIKE OSSIPOFF | 7 Feb 23:02
Picon

Jameson MJ. Alternative IC rule? ICT's main problem.

Jameson--

You said that suckers are more easily taken advantage of in the methods that I propose (Approval, Approval with conditional voting options, and
MTAOC and MCAOC, and maybe ABucklin with the kinds of conditionality that I've proposed).

For one thing, I don't propose sucker-voting with any voting system. For another thing, how would you take advantage of a sucker in AOC,
MMT, GMAT, MTAOC or MCAOC?

I suppose that, in the ABE, you could say that an A voter who doesn't make his help for B conditional is a sucker. You could take advantage of him.

But I don't advocate sucker-voting.

If you want to say that those methods have a strategy problem, then you need to say what strategy problem you think it has. Then you need
to tell why you think so.

Alternative IC rule?

Would it be as good, or sometimes better, to say that x is not beaten by y if the number of ballots ranking y over x is not greater than the
number ranking x over y plus the number ranking x and y equal-top; and that x wins if no one beats hir?

It seems to me that, most likely, ICT's main problem is innocent truncation. Non-strategically-intended truncation. One advantage that I always
pointed out for wv Condorcet was that it does a good job of avoiding that particular problem. So maybe Improved Condorcet, completed in a wv
sort of way, with one of the conditionality-by-mutuality systems that I've proposed, would be better than ICT for that reason. That would be
my reason for chooseing Improved-Condorcet-Winning-votes-Optional-Conditional (ICWOC) instead of ICT.

Conditionality of the type used in MMT or GMAT could perhaps be used instead, in which case I'd call the method ICWC, because, with those
kinds of conditionality, the conditionality isn't optional.

As you know, changes or procedures that get rid of a problem tend to bring with them a different problem. Conditionality doesn't seem to do that.
It avoids problems, without bringing one.

I said that I wouldn't propose ABucklin or its conditional versions because AERLO is needed to alleviate its strategic uncertainty. But, though they wouldn't
get rid of that problem, the conditionalities that I've proposed would do much to alleviate it. So maybe conditional ABucklin would be a good method,
a good way to get the greater expressivity of unlimited ranking. I've told here how ABucklin could be used with MTAOC style conditionality, in which
case I'd call it AOCBucklin. It could also be used with MMT or GMAT condititionality, in which case I'd call it ACBucklin, because the conditionality wouldn't
be optional.

With MTAOC style conditionality, not only is the conditionality optional, but it's optional by candidate. That's the kind of conditionality that I'd most
likely propose.

Mike Ossipoff

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Gmane