Nir cohen - Prof. Mat. | 20 May 2013 19:07
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furuli on prefix forms

dear rolf,

i tried to check your statement that the W+affix forms in the DSS 
are just conjunctive, i.e. cannot be described as consecutive or inverted.
i assume you were referring specifically to those which are copies of biblical
text, otherwise comparison cannot be made. thus i assume you consider the big
isaiah scroll among them. the photo of the scroll can be found in
               http://www.ao.net/~fmoeller/qum-1.htm

i checked only the first "page" which corresponds to roughly
isa 1:1-25. i must admit the quality is not the best...

anyway, weqatal on v.8 is illegible (WNWTRH or NWTRH). WYSRNY 
indeed seems to lose the W (v. 11). but the two wayiqtol W$M(TM 
and WMRYTM (v. 19,20) are biblical alright. thus, at least 50% 
biblical prefix forms on the first "page".

i did not investigate further, for lack of time; but if you have, 
could you please make a more precise statement consistent with 
this observation?

nir cohen

On Sun, 19 May 2013 12:00:04 -0400, b-hebrew-request wrote
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Mike Burke | 20 May 2013 16:49
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מבדיל בעדי

What does מבדיל בעדי mean?
 
Michael Gerard Burke
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Mike Burke | 20 May 2013 03:50
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P.S.

What does בואך mean?
 
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Mike Burke | 20 May 2013 03:41
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יביאו

What does יביאו mean?

Here are a couple of contexts:

והיה ביום הששי והכינו את אשר־יביאו והיה משנה על אשר־ילקטו יום ׀ יום׃ ס

And:

בימים האחרונים בישרו השניים לבני משפחה וחברים קרובים כי בקרוב יביאו לעולם ילד משותף

So what does the word mean?.





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Mark Cannon | 19 May 2013 01:58
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TanakhML?

Does anyone know what happened to the TanakhML website? It's no longer accessible at its previous address.

Mark Cannon
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Rolf | 16 May 2013 12:55
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Engangspassord

Hei!

Jeg fikk et brev fra dere i dag om overgang fra uførepensjon til alderspensjon. Jeg er interessert i å vite
om jeg får utbetalt samme sum eller om det er forskjell. Så vidt jeg forstår kan jeg finne ut det ved å gå
inn på pensjonssiden til Nav. Jeg trenger et engangspassord til dette.

Vennlig hilsen

Anne-Sissel Furuli
Skaufaret 12C
3292 Stavern
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Rolf | 16 May 2013 08:40
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Re: wayyiqtol

Dear John,

See my comments below.

Torsdag 16. Mai 2013 00:11 CEST skrev John Leake <jesleake <at> yahoo.co.uk>: 

> Sorry, Rolf, do you mean that short vowels are regularly represented on Qumran texts? I must admit that I
was not under that impression; even Mishnaic Hebrew typically only uses matres lectiones for long
vowels, doesn't it? But I must admit that all my Qumran reading has been from Lohse's _Die Texte aus Qumran:
Hebräisch und Deutsch_, which Grace Emmerson (I think) told me was normalized.

RF: It is correct that the materes lectiones at Qumran basically were used for long vowels (but our view of
long and short vowels is not clearcut). The distinction between WEYIQTOL and WAYYIQTOL is connected with
two short vowels, and therefore we cannot distinguish between the two in the DSS. What we do see is that some
prefixforms in the DSS have a prefixed WAW. This may be pragmatic—the reason may be syntactical, that
is, the WAW may be a conjunction that binds the clause togheter. Or it may semantic—the prefixed WAW  has
become a part of the verb form, changing its meaning to the very opposite of the meaning of the verb form
without the WAW. We cannot know on the basis of the morphology whether the WAW is pragmatic or semantic.
However, the burden of proof is on those who claim that it is semantic, because the change of meaning of av
verb to the very opposite by the addition oF WAW (a conjunction) is unprecedented in the Semitic languages
and among the other languages of the world. All the viewpoints that the WAW is not a simple conjunction, but
that it is this or that, are highly speculative—I have seen no hard evidence, only  claims.
> 
> I'd have thought the only real clue was looking for apocopated forms, as indeed you have. I can't imagine
gemination ever being provable or disprovable, though I can see the idea of stress giving ride to
gemination. 
> 
> Assuming that Arabic can by taken as a near cognate, however (as it too has a yaqtul - jussive - form used in
place of the suffix form qatala where it is negated by the negative particle lam). My Arabic guess would be
that something akin to the emphatic particle la (لَ) might do it. Ant the particle that comes to mind is,
of course, the enclitic particle נא (which has a qameS, often a sign of a historic short /a/). In Arabic,
fa (فَ) combines with la to form a combined particle fal (فَلْ) that often introduces the apodosis
of a condition - and a jussive may well be the verb in the apodosis (of course, ideas of time reference are
hard to pin down in conditionals, but the jussive may be equivalent to the suffix tense in these
statements). I could imagine something similar in Hebrew: wa-na-yiqtol -> wan-yiqtol -> wayyiqtol, the
first person singular becoming wā'eqtol just as the original article han- became hā- before aleph and
resh (losing the nun by analogy).To me it makes perfect sense and makes the waw-consecutive seem rather
easy to understand. > But it's just a casual hypothesis I toyed with thirty years ago. Of course, it might be
something I absorbed while reading. Sometimes our youthful 'theories' turn out to have be unconscious borrowings!

As mentioned above, views regarding the WAW being something else than a conjunction are speculative. Your
suggestion may or may not be correct. We need hard evidence.

There is an Akkadian example that may have some resemblance to your Arabic example. The preterite (a
misnomer because Akkadian does not have tenses)  IPRUS is a short prefixform, and the present
IPARRAS(again a misnomer)  is the long prefixform. There is also a wish-form called precative. Here we
have the particle LU folloved by the short preterite form. The short prefixform is mostly used with past
reference, but both the short and the long form can have past, present, and future reference. 

We should remember that the stems of the Semitic languages is on one semantic level-to a great extent they
express diathesis. Modality is on another semantic level, and aspect is on a third semantic level. The
relationship between mood and aspect is uneven, and therefore I find it difficult to draw any conclusions
regarding the meaning of the verb forms on the basis of modality.

My analysis as to which forms express modality in Hebrew is as follows

WAYYIQTOL: 0.8%
YIQTOL: 37.6%  (both long and short YIQTOLs express modality)
WEYIQTOL: 64.4%
QATAL: 2.8%
WEQATAL 20.6%
Active participle:1.4%
Passive participle: 7.0%
Infinitive construct: 5.3%
Infinitive absolutus: 26.7%.

We should not be too quick to draw conclusions from the numbers above. First we have to analyze the numbers
from the point of view of pragmatics versus semantics. This means that we must look at the syntax—is a
conjunction necessary or likely; and in the light of temporal reference—whether modal expressions
are more likely under certain temporal conditions.

Whereas the Semitic languages are cognates, I find it difficult to take some details from one language to
explain certain phenomena in another language; this is too speculative. But the basics are similar: each
language has prefixforms and suffix forms that can be used with past, present, and future reference. This
is even the case with the relatively young Semtic language Ge'ez (Ethiopic).

Best regards,

Rolf Furuli
Stavern
Norway

> 

> 
> John Leake 
> ----------------------------------
> ان صاحب حياة هانئة لا يدونها انما يحياها
> He who has a comfortable life doesn't write about it - he lives it
> ---------------------------------- 
> 
> On 15 May 2013, at 19:18, "Rolf" <rolf.furuli <at> sf-nett.no> wrote:
> 
> > Dear Dave,
> > 
> > I know you as a fine Hebrew scholar, and I also know that you have done much work on the DSS. This thread was
supposed to be descriptive and not argumentative—we were asked to outline our positions on WAYYIQTOL.
But when you use the words "a gross misstatement," I think I am entitled to clear up the issue. 
> > 
> > In scholarly studies it is very important not to assume anything before we start. So, we cannot ASSUME
that a grammatical form WAYYIQTOL existed in BCE. But we must look at the writings we have from BCE, and they
are the DSS. What do a morphological study of the DSS reveal? About 500 prefix forms with prefixed WAW.
These forms are not geminated and the vowel patah is not represented by the maters lexiones. This
justifies my  statement that "the WAYYIQTOL form was not known in the DSS"—only YIQTOLs with prefixed
WAW. The data I presented from Origen and the Samaritan Penbtateuch justify my claim that "the WAYYIQTOL
was not known before the middle of the first millennium CE." The only way to show that this is "a gross
misstatement" is to refer to manuscripts where the WAYYIQTOL is found. This is a challenge to you.
> > 
> > You  refer to Mishnaic Hebrew,  to long and short forms and to irregular verbs. But these data can be
interpreted in different ways,  and they prove nothing regarding the existence of a grammatical
WAYYIQTOL form.  As far as the data are concerned, they show that the  WAYYIQTOL form did not existe before
the middle of the first millennium CE. This is not conjecture, it is not an argument, but it is an
OBSERVATION. And please, do not mix semantic meaning with conversational pragmatic implicature.
> > 
> > 
> > Best regards,
> > 
> > 
> > Rolf Furuli
> > Stavern
> > Norway
> > 
> > 
> > Onsdag 15. Mai 2013 17:01 CEST skrev Dave Washburn <davidlwashburn <at> gmail.com>: 
> > 
> >>> Ken correctly observes that there is no distinction between WATYYIQTOL and
> >> WEYIQTOL in the DSS. The same is true in the Greek >transcriptions of the>> Hebrew text in Origen's
Hexapla. Thus, the WAYYIQTOL form was not known
> >> before the middle of the first millennium >CE., when the Masoretes pointed
> >> the Hebrew text.
> >> 
> >> This is such a huge leap in logic I don't know where to begin. It's clear>> that by the time of the DSS the
Wayyiqtol had fallen out of use. The
> >> progression into tense-based Mishnaic Hebrew makes that clear. But to jump
> >> from that to the idea that "the WAYYIQTOL form was *not known* before the>> middle of the first
millennium CE" simply doesn't follow. We don't have any
> >> commentaries or grammars of Hebrew from that time or before, that's all.
> >> The DSS people were more focused on theology and praxis than on
> >> linguistics, so they didn't say anything about the structure of their
> >> language. But in the case of the Hebrew Bible, we have plenty of contextual
> >> and formal hints in the text that the form the Masoretes punctuated as
> >> wayyiqtol was, in fact, different in some way from the simple weyiqtol, so
> >> trying to claim it was "not known" is a gross misstatement. What he means>> is, we didn't have a visual
(written) representation of the form before
> >> that. But the truth is, even that is not accurate, because the whole theory
> >> about long vs. short forms grew out of observation of the way some
> >> irregular verbs behave in the different stems.
> >> 
> >> To John: Rolf has presented his novel idea here before, and I think it's
> >> safe to say it hasn't caught on. He denies that the wayyiqtol is a distinct
> >> form and then proceeds accordingly. But even without the Masoretic points,
> >> I think it's safe to say that the wayyiqtol is one of the most solidly
> >> established verb forms in the HB, which renders the theory moot.
> >> 
> >> George, I'd like to hear more about your idea, either on or off list (on
> >> would be better so everybody can benefit, but I'll take whatever I can
> >> get!).
> >> 
> >> 
> >> 
> >> 
> >> On Tue, May 14, 2013 at 10:52 PM, Rolf <rolf.furuli <at> sf-nett.no> wrote:
> >> 
> >>> 
> >>> Dear Jerry,
> >>> 
> >>> I would like to add one point regarding the origin of WAYYIQTOL to the
> >>> post I sent yesterday.
> >>> 
> >>> Ken correctly observes that there is no distinction between WATYYIQTOL and
> >>> WEYIQTOL in the DSS. The same is true in the Greek transcriptions of the>>> Hebrew text in Origen's
Hexapla. Thus, the WAYYIQTOL form was not known
> >>> before the middle of the first millennium CE., when the Masoretes pointed
> >>> the Hebrew text.
> >>> 
> >>> (Please note that  the Palestinian pointings of WEYIQTOLs versus
> >>> WAYYIQTOLs are not always the same as in the MT. For example, in the
> >>> Palestinian manuscript J in Paul Kahle, "Masoreten des Westens Texte und>>> Untersuchungen zur
Vormasoretischen Grammatik des Hebräischen," 1930, the
> >>> six WEYIQTOLs in Daniel 11:5 (1), 15(2), 16(2), 17(1) are pointed as
> >>> WAYYIQTOLs.
> >>> 
> >>> So, what was the origin of the WAYYIQTOL form? The Masoretes pointed their
> >>> text on the basis of the recitation of the texts in the synagoges—on the
> >>> basis of accentuation (stress) and tone. The difference between WEYIQTOL>>> and WAYYIQTOL is
basically one of accentuation. It is natural to put the>>> stress differently in narrative texts
compared with poetry and prophetic>>> texts. Very little Hebrew grammar was known in the days of the Masoretes—it
> >>> seems that they did not even know the three-radical nature of Hebrew words.
> >>> So, the pointing of the Masoretes was based on pragmatics—the recitation in
> >>> the synagogues and not om semantics—a grammatical distinction between
> >>> different forms. But in the Middle Ages, the pragmatic pointing of the
> >>> Masoretes were given a semantic interpretation (cf. Kimhi), and the view of
> >>> the WAYYIQTOL as an independent grammatical form was born.
> >>> 
> >>> When semantic meaning and conversational pragmatic implicature are not
> >>> distinguished, the result is confusion. Does anyone know of a single
> >>> grammatical study in any of the ancient Semitic languages, except my
> >>> dissertation,  where this distinction is systematically made?
> >>> 
> >>> 
> >>> 
> >>> Best regards,
> >>> 
> >>> 
> >>> Rolf Furuli
> >>> Stavern
> >>> Norway
> >>> 
> >>> _______________________________________________
> >>> b-hebrew mailing list
> >>> b-hebrew <at> lists.ibiblio.org
> >>> http://lists.ibiblio.org/mailman/listinfo/b-hebrew
> >> 
> >> 
> >> 
> >> -- 
> >> Dave Washburn
> >> 
> >> Check out my Internet show: http://www.irvingszoo.com
> >> 
> >> Now available: a novel about King Josiah!
> > 
> > 
> > 
> > _______________________________________________
> > b-hebrew mailing list
> > b-hebrew <at> lists.ibiblio.org
> > http://lists.ibiblio.org/mailman/listinfo/b-hebrew

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Steven Avery | 16 May 2013 06:28
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Re: How Codex Leningradensis B 19A was constituted: diplomatically or eclectically?

Hi,

With the differences of all Masoretic Text manuscripts being so 
small, I see difficulties in any definition of any Masoretic Text 
manuscript as an "eclectic text".

It seems that this would stretch the definition of an "eclectic text" 
way beyond normative usage.  The very term "eclectic text" has more 
to do with the general textual background than the particular manuscript.

=============

Some examples of definitional difficulties:

e.g. With the Greek OT, there are "Septuagint" editions that are 
largely Vaticanus, with a little help from other manuscripts, 
especially where Vaticanus has no text.  On the other hand there is 
an ecclesiastical text that represents the mass of Greek Old 
Testament manuscripts, that is quite different.  The term eclectic 
would be hard to apply to either of these.  As would diplomatic.

With the New Testament, the Westcott-Hort recension text could be 
considered an eclectic text at the time of its formation, although it 
could also be considered as a Vaticanus-primacy edition, with certain 
tweaks.  The later Critical Text editions have been largely 
warmed-over Westcott and Hort.  Thus, again, diplomatic and eclectic 
hardly explain the manuscript field.

The Received Text was truly an eclectic text since it drew from 
divergent sources, the traditional fountainhead Greek texts, and the 
historic Latin lines, and the ECW and internal considerations.  This 
process took place in approximately a century of development.  Thus 
the Complutensian and the Erasmus 1st edition could properly be 
called eclectic texts.  And if you do not mind that there was a 
development process, the same inherited eclecticism could be applied 
to the other editions, like the Stephanus and Bezae and AV editions of the TR.

The Byzantine edition of Robinson-Pierpont represents a functionally 
defunct 500 year-old ecclesiastical text (i.e. rejected in important 
points by the ecclesia) which, however, becomes eclectic in a limited 
sense in tie-break mode. The Peshitta Text is a similar 
ecclesiastical text, albeit still in limited Syriac church use. 
Similar could be said about editions like the Clementine Vulgate. It 
seems to me that none of these should be called diplomatic or 
eclectic, whether you are talking individual manuscripts or printed editions.

Shalom,
Steven Avery
Bayside, NY

Jerry Shepherd
>Hi Bruryah, A diplomatic text is one that has been copied from only 
>a single manuscript.  Sometimes this is also referred to as a 
>dedicated text.  An eclectic text is one that has been produced 
>taking any number of manuscripts into account.  Philip's question 
>was whether the Leningrad Codex was a diplomatic (dedicated) text or 
>an eclectic one.  George responded that it was his understanding 
>that it was a diplomatic text.
>I think George is partially correct.  A colophon at the end of the 
>Leningrad Codex indicates that the scribe who produced the codex did 
>so from several manuscripts of Aaron ben Moses ben Asher.  What is 
>not clear is whether these prior manuscripts were of individual 
>biblical books, or entire codices.  I think it is most likely that 
>it is the latter. In any case, I think probably we should understand 
>that the Leningrad Codex is a semi-diplomatic text.  It was 
>produced, taking several manuscripts into account, but all those 
>manuscripts are from the ben Asher tradition.
>Further to this, Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia, is a dedicated or 
>diplomatic text.  It faithfully reproduces the text of the Leningrad 
>Codex, but of course makes notes in its text-critical apparatus 
>about variants in other manuscripts.

>Yodan
>What does "diplomatic text" mean and what do the terms 
>"diplomatically" and "eclectically" mean when describing the 
>Biblical text in the Leningrad Codex? I never heard these terms 
>before. Thanks,  Bruryah Tashah

>George Athas
>Philip, my understanding is that it is a diplomatic text.

Philip Engmann
 >  I am ignorant of how the Codex Leningradensis B 19A was 
constituted: whether diplomatically from a 'single' source or 
eclectically from several manuscripts. In either case, i would be 
most happy to have the sources.    
Jonathan Mohler | 16 May 2013 06:27
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Re: b-hebrew Digest, Vol 125, Issue 26

I agree, Barry.  This thread is the kind of thread I think we are all looking for when we stumble upon b-hebrew.

Jonathan E Mohler
Baptist Bible Graduate School
Springfield, MO

On May 15, 2013, at 10:40 AM, b-hebrew-request <at> lists.ibiblio.org wrote:

BTW, the thread Jerry started on the wayyiqtol has been excellent, and there have been some other good posts lately. I'd like to see more of that.

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Jonathan Mohler | 16 May 2013 05:08
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Re: b-hebrew Digest, Vol 125, Issue 25

Very nice! Very nice indeed!

Jonathan Mohler
On May 14, 2013, at 11:52 AM, b-hebrew-request <at> lists.ibiblio.org wrote:

You may want to relate it to BILAM's claim in Nu. 24:3-4

 וישא משלו ויאמר נאם בלעם בנו בער ונאם הגבר שתם העין נאם שמע אמרי אל אשר מחזה שדי יחזה נפל וגלוי עינים

or, according to KJ

"And he took up his parable, and said, Balaam the son of Beor hath said, and the man whose eyes are open hath said: He hath said, which heard the words of God, which saw the vision of the Almighty, falling into a trance, but having his eyes open" 

Isaac Fried, Boston University

On May 14, 2013, at 12:24 PM, Jonathan Mohler wrote:

I don't see the mystery here.  מעונן M-ONEN has to do with seeing in the future.  It has an ayin and a nun. So it must be related to עין (ayin, eye.  How hard is that? (ayin words are common in other language groups.  Swahili, for example, has ona, see.

Jonathan E. Mohler
Baptist Bible Graduate School
Springfield, MO

What we know is that he did some hocus focus, how "exactly" he did it we don't know. 
Maybe מעונן M-ONEN is related to ענה ANAH, 'call', and אנן ANAN, 'complain', as in 
Nu. 11:1, namely, an expert lip-worker, an utterer of secret intonations. M-NAXE$ 
is also possibly some sort of a M-LAXE$, 'whisperer, ventriloquist'. 

Isaac Fried, Boston University
 
On May 13, 2013, at 10:05 PM, Mike Burke wrote:

>>>>Some think that M-ONEN (Deut. 18:10) is a looker at clouds, but this is also doubtful. <<<<

So we really have no idea what the term means?
 
Michael Gerard Burke


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Jonathan Mohler | 14 May 2013 18:24
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Re: b-hebrew Digest, Vol 125, Issue 24

I don't see the mystery here.  מעונן M-ONEN has to do with seeing in the future.  It has an ayin and a nun. So it must be related to עין (ayin, eye.  How hard is that? (ayin words are common in other language groups.  Swahili, for example, has ona, see.

Jonathan E. Mohler
Baptist Bible Graduate School
Springfield, MO
On May 14, 2013, at 11:00 AM, b-hebrew-request <at> lists.ibiblio.org wrote:

What we know is that he did some hocus focus, how "exactly" he did it we don't know. 
Maybe מעונן M-ONEN is related to ענה ANAH, 'call', and אנן ANAN, 'complain', as in 
Nu. 11:1, namely, an expert lip-worker, an utterer of secret intonations. M-NAXE$ 
is also possibly some sort of a M-LAXE$, 'whisperer, ventriloquist'. 

Isaac Fried, Boston University
 
On May 13, 2013, at 10:05 PM, Mike Burke wrote:

>>>>Some think that M-ONEN (Deut. 18:10) is a looker at clouds, but this is also doubtful. <<<<

So we really have no idea what the term means?
 
Michael Gerard Burke


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